It is fair to say that a great swath of forest was sacrificed for the study of negative campaigning. As we might hope and expect, a great deal has been learned since our initial assumptions that negative ads would be the downfall of our republic. (For an excellent review of this literature, see Geer 2006). ThisPSsymposium and a spate of recent work (for example, see Herbst 2010; Shea and Fiorina 2012; Sobieraj and Berry 2011), suggest growing interest in a somewhat different form of negativity: the tone of political discourse, or what we might call levels of civility in politics. Much of this work has centered on the impact of nasty politics on individuals (Forgette and Morris 2006; Mutz 2007; Mutz and Reeves 2005; Fridkin and Kenney 2008). Might vitriol turn off citizens and lead to increased levels of distrust and cynicism?
This article is an attempt to merge two of the more significant developments in recent American politics: the failure of our system to undergo a partisan-based realignment and the advent of service-oriented party organizations. Whereas traditional explanations of the "missing realignment" center around the attitudes of voters and/or the activities of candidates, this article suggests the parties are to blame. That is, the goals and activities of contemporary party organizations often frustrate voter attachment to parties, as well as the development of coherent platforms. Critical realignments have become a thing of the past. Yet, we have moved into a new era characterized by aggressive, national organizations, which I dub the "base-less" party system.
Many assume that young Americans are apathetic, self-absorbed, and indifferent to civic matters. It is a turned-off generation, we are told. But nothing could be further from the truth. A host of data suggests young Americans give their energy, time, and money to their schools, community, and nation. A recent report by the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE), for example, suggests young Americans volunteer at higher rates than do older Americans (Lopez 2003). The frequency of pitching-in has also increased: In 1990 some 65% of college freshman reported volunteering in high school, and by 2003 that figure had risen to 83%. Rates of volunteer work for those under 25 are now twice as high as for those over 55. Perhaps this is the activist generation.
Political observers have detected a noticeable uptick in American political incivility in recent years, culminating with several moderate senators recently citing the rise of hard-core partisanship as the reason for their retirement. Supporting these accusations of unprecedented incivility with empirical evidence can be difficult, as notions of what constitutes appropriate, civil behavior are subjective and can vary across the political context of different eras. Was it more uncivil, for example, for William Jennings Bryan to accuse his political opponents of crucifying other Americans on a cross of gold than it was for a member of Congress to yell “You lie!” at the president in the nation's Capitol? Assessing the incivility of these statements requires determining the effect each had on political opponents' abilities to maintain a functional relationship despite their disagreement over policy outcomes. Nevertheless, many politicians, political observers, and scholars are truly concerned that current levels of incivility are indeed worse, not only damaging the ability to resolve complex public problems, but threatening the long-term stability of America's governing institutions. Largely focusing on changes in institutional structures and elite behavior, scholars identify numerous explanations for this trend.
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