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Since the New Public Management movement began, public and nonprofit organizations have been adopting and adapting businesslike practices, including branding and marketing. There remains a knowledge gap in understanding why organizational actors choose to allocate resources to adopt branding and marketing policies. This article explores organizational branding initiatives within the context of research extensive (N = 109) higher education institutions in the United States from 2006 to 2013. Seventy‐two universities (66 percent) have introduced branding initiatives since 2006. Findings suggest that the publicness of organizations influences branding and marketing isomorphism in nuanced ways and that organizations are more likely to adopt new branding initiatives to promote higher general performance. Organizations adopt branding strategies in response to national trends and efforts to capitalize on their own strong performance rather than mimicking stronger‐performing peers.

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Many governments across the globe enacted mandatory stay-at-home orders to slow the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. One of the many consequences of these governmental protection orders is to confine potential perpetrators and victims of gender-based violence in close proximity thereby reducing the opportunity for survivors to report abuse and get assistance. In this essay, we describe the multilevel governmental response in Argentina to address gender-based violence during the first month of mandatory stay-at-home order amid the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020. National and provincial governments enacted innovative and coordinated responses to gender-based violence that targeted systemic causes of gender-based violence, ensured continuity of existing services, and generated new communication strategies to allow nonverbal reporting during the pandemic. The Argentinean example suggests that governmental organizations should consider the gendered effects of government responses to emergencies and respond through a multilevel and cross-sectoral response to protect groups disproportionately affected by the crisis and resulting policy.

Objectives Research on minority representation and career trajectories in higher education represents a substantial body of evidence in the field; however, the empirical evidence fails to address a crucial area: intercollegiate athletics. This study aims to address the gap in the empirical work and study the career trajectories and representation of African‐Americans and Latinos in NCAA FBS football coaching positions. Methods A pipeline argument is often utilized to explain the underrepresentation of minorities in certain careers and industries. This pipeline argument is erroneous in this instance because of the number of minority players in college football that make up the “future coach career pool.” We develop a position hierarchy in which previous assistant coaching positions are seen as stepping stones to an ultimate head coaching position. Results We find that white and minorities coaches have different career trajectories and position hierarchies that ultimately lead to the underrepresentation of minorities at the head coaching ranks. Conclusions Evidence suggests sharp differences in the likelihood of certain player positions and, in turn (and likely related), certain coaching positions to achieving head coach. The career utility hierarchy developed here seems to have some validity and, most important for present purposes, shows some considerable difference in the career stepping stones of, respectively, whites and minorities.

Unlike the U.S. Constitution, many state constitutions include provisions for regulating and legislating specific policy issues. Embedding policy proscriptions in state constitutions may impact the rate and likelihood of policy diffusion. To examine how the amendment process influences diffusion resulting from geographic competition, we estimate a well-known policy diffusion model, using state-sponsored lotteries as a case study. Our mixed model of survival analysis separately estimates amendments and lottery adoptions allowing for different covariates and baseline hazards in each model. We find that there are different diffusion effects for constitutional amendments and policy adoptions, that the two-step process requires a more professionalized legislature, and that amending the state constitution influences the timing of the adoption process. Once we take into consideration the two-step process of lottery diffusion, we find a conditional diffusion effect that is over twice as large as previous estimates, and an overall diffusion that is larger than estimates from event-history estimation, suggesting that the constitutional hurdle is an important determinant of policy adoption. These effects occur over the entire policy adoption phase , over multiple specifications of the baseline hazard, for alternate measures of diffusion, and for alternate model specifications, thereby suggesting that the constitutional hurdle is an important element of state policy, and it should be empirically considered in future models of policy diffusion.

The COVID‐19 pandemic dramatically changed employment across sectors in 2020. This Viewpoint essay examines public sector labor relations during the pandemic and describes the impact bargaining process that is used to protect public employees. The authors draw on their own experience with impact bargaining negotiations and the public labor relations, conflict management, and civil service reform literatures to develop recommendations for public union labor leaders during times of crisis. They suggest that public unions have an important role in crisis management but must act strategically to develop good working relationships with leadership and successfully negotiate employee protections in uncertain times.

Representative bureaucracy scholarship has yet to address two interrelated phenomena: intersectionality and changes in relative disadvantage over time. This manuscript addresses these gaps by assessing representation effects at the intersection of race/ethnicity and sex and in previously, but no longer, disadvantaged client groups. It also argues that if bureaucratic representation is viewed as a quest for equity, then representation will decline as disadvantaged client groups approach equity in policy outcomes. Using panel data for US higher education, this study highlights the importance of intersectional representation in bureaucratic organizations. In three of the four race/ethnic/sex combinations, students perform better in the presence of faculty who match them intersectionally (in the fourth case, race but not sex matters). The empirical results also find that as a formerly disadvantaged client group (women) becomes successful within an organization, the active representation relationship declines. These implications inform future representative bureaucracy scholarship examining intersectional groups.