Household-labor time and market-labor time are organized in part through the social structure of unequal gender relations. Generally, women do more household work than men, women's market work is undervalued, and the greatest rewards for market work accrue to men. The career model of employment is biased in favor of men who have few household responsibilities. Even noncareer seniority-sensitive job paths assume male incumbency with limited competition from household responsibilities. In this article we discuss the gendered underpinnings of the organization of time in contemporary Western society by critically examining household-labor time and the masculine models of career and noncareer employment. In addition to the important feminist goal of pay equity, we argue for a feminist politics of time that promotes alternative work-time arrangements for women and men to foster gender equality in the market and at home.Work-time, Alternative Work-time Arrangements, Household-labor Time, Market-labor Time, Gender And Work-time,

Florida's book, The Rise of the Creative Class, ranks 276 U.S. Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) according to a creativity index. This article explores whether the creativity index or its subcomponents are related to the economic strength or growth in MSAs. Economic strength is operationalized using Gross Metropolitan Product (GMP) per capita for the year 2000. Economic growth is operationalized by the percent change in GMP from 1993 to 2003 and from 2000 to 2004. The first time period is used to test these economic measures against the distribution of the creative class from 1990 as presented in the hardcover edition of The Rise of the Creative Class. The second is used to test the economic measures against the components of the creativity index as defined in the softcover edition of the same work. Our results raise questions as to the whether the concentration of the creative class in an MSA acts as an economic engine.Florida (2002a) argues plausibly that creativity is the major force driving the U.S. economy and that occupations in the "creative class" constitute today's economic engine. By redirecting local economic development efforts toward education, research and development, and appropriate amenities, regions can enlarge their creative class resulting in economic growth. However, we would argue that cities and regions have cultures arising from their history and location and, while culture is not immutable, regions that attempt to improve their economies by pursuing a "creative class" strategy may not, in fact, do so.In this article we investigate the relationship between creativity and economic development by examining various aspects of creativity as measured by Florida and regional economic strength as measured by the GMP. According to Florida (2002a), economic development expenditure intended to lure companies, even high-tech companies, to an area is misdirected. Economic development expenditures should build creative capital. Therefore investment should be redirected to educate the populace, increase expenditure in research and development, and purchase or enhance those amenities that cultivate a tolerant environment to support cultural diversity. Glaeser (2004) posits that Florida's creative capital theory is no different than traditional human capital theory. Florida (2004) agrees that human capital development is important, but that an environment open to various

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Deindustrialization-its nature, extent, and implications—is a widely debated public issue in the United States. In this article we review the arguments and discuss criteria for gauging deindustrialization in a locality, region, or nation. We then present findings that indicate the Great Lakes region is experiencing deindustrialization. The region is undergoing a structural decline in manufacturing; it claims a shrinking share of the nation's industrial employment; and employment growth in other sectors of the regional economy has not compensated for job loss in manufacturing. The debate about appropriate government responses to deindustrialization has subsided at the federal level, but industrial policy is still a vital issue on many state and local agendas in the Great Lakes.

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