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We explore here the potentials of a social constructionist orientation to knowledge for research and clinical practice. Dialogues on social construction emphasize the communal origins of knowledge. They stress the cultural basis of knowledge claims, the significance of language, the value saturation of all knowledge, and the significance of relationships as opposed to individuals. An initial illustration of constructionism in action centers on adolescent risk behavior. Such behavior is often constructed negatively within popular writings and the social science and thus ignores the meaning of such actions to the adolescents themselves. Discourse analysis indicates that for adolescents risky behavior serves important functions of enhancing group solidarity and establishing positive identity. A second illustration, exploring the implications of constructionism for therapy, places a strong emphasis on the therapist as a collaborator in the building of meaning. Traditional investments in diagnosis and treatment are replaced with the collaborative creation of new possibilities for action.
This article outlines a theoretical perspective for conceptualizing and undertaking prevention of unintentional injuries in childhood. This structural‐dynamic conceptualization of child‐environment transaction concerns the reasoning and actions of care givers. The process of caregivers' reasoning about prevention of accidents with children consists of their integrating populational and personal knowledge with information about children's current action within particular settings. The coordination of reasoning processes leads to particular actions that the caregiver performs in respect to the child in the environment. Examples of parent's actions and thinking illustrate how the theoretical perspective is linked with real‐life phenomena.
This study examined how contradictory verbal-facial communications are understood and resolved at different ages. Preschoolers, grade school children, and adults were asked to interpret videotapes in which an actor conveyed contradictory verbal and facial expressions with and without a story context that provided a reason for the contradiction. Results showed both age and context effects: Whereas younger children were more likely to focus on the literal contents of the verbal or facial components, older subjects were more likely to relate each of the two components to an overall communicative intent. In addition, messages presented within a meaningful context were resolved in a more sophisticated manner than those presented in isolation, although younger children were limited in the extent to which they were helped by the context cues. The results are discussed in terms of the development of understanding message-referent relations.In the course of everyday face-to-face interaction, communication takes place by means of several modalities or channels. Although usually redundant and complementary in their conveyed meanings, verbal, intonational, and gestural components may sometimes appear independent or even contradictory. Nonetheless, adults can easily synthesize discrepant message components into a higher order interpretation; for example, a disgusted face coupled with the statement "things are going great" is readily interpreted as sarcasm (Friedman, 1979). Similar processes of synthesizing an interpretation from discrepant components can be used to explain inferences of ambivalence, insincerity, deception, or the use of socially prescribed display rules. Children, on the other hand, appear more limited in how they interpret such discrepancies. They are likely to provide a literal, surface-level interpretation, and have difficulty constructing a higher order meaning from contradictory components (Bugental, Kaswan, & Love, 1970). The purpose of this article is to explore age-related changes in the ability to construct meaning from a particular subset of contradictory communications-those in which the content of verbal and facial channels convey inconsistent messages. Specifically, we asked how children of different ages make sense of a situation in which they are presented with two, contradictory emotional messages applied to a single referent. This simple case was chosen because there is evidence that even young children are sensitive to verbal-facial discrepancies (e.g., Volkmar, Hoder, &The research reported in this article was completed in partial fulfillment of a master's degree awarded to Cynthia Lightfoot and was funded by a grant to Merry Bullock from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada.We thank Michael Chandler and James A. Russell for their helpful comments at earlier stages of the research.
In the course of the 20th century, the themes of culture, self and timetheir definitions, relationships and conditions of emergence-became highly visible and hotly contested. Our intention for this special issue of Culture & Psychology is to draw out and bring under one cover some of the major controversies which attend efforts to delimit and relate these themes, and which we believe to set a particular theoretical stage for the new millennium.We see this enterprise as an interdisciplinary one, and include work from individuals with backgrounds in developmental psychology, social psychology, linguistics, evolutionary biology and cultural anthropology. Despite the disciplinary diversity, certain recurrent issues percolate throughout. In particular, each of the contributors is in some way-and, in some cases, in several ways-preoccupied with a sense that the conjunctive relationships between culture, self and time are somehow fundamental to justifying such principal dualities, paradoxes or tensions between opposites as those commonly understood to exist between continuity and transformation, subjectivity and relatedness, and coherence and diversity.Organizationally, we have created three sections reflecting three major temporal contexts of development: the phylogenetic, the ontogenetic and the cultural-historical. Each section includes essays of a Culture & Psychology
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