Research examining youths' political development mostly focused on young people as a general group; comparatively less attention has been devoted to the examination of gender pathways toward citizenship. Two studies were conducted addressing (a) the role of parents' participation and the moderating role of adolescent gender and age group (n = 1419) and (b) the role of adolescent social and civic participation and the moderating role of adolescent gender and type of school (n = 1871). Results confirmed the gender gap in political interest and in the use of the Internet for political participation, while no differences emerged for political activity and voting intentions. Adolescents' political engagement and participation are influenced by parents' participation (especially among girls) and by adolescents' social and civic participation (especially among boys). The impact of adolescents' social and civic participation on conventional participation (voting intentions) is partially mediated by sense of community and institutional trust.

Belgian data from the PIDOP project show that boys are more involved than girls in illegal political actions, namely the production of graffiti and other acts of "incivility". These activities must be considered in both groups as complementary to conventional political and social participation and not as their opposite. The main explanatory factor is the level of the perceived efficaciousness of such actions. The lack of trust in institutions and the level of awareness of societal discrimination play no significant explanatory role. In males, the involvement level in these activities depends on feelings of personal discrimination and on the lack of freedom concerning individual choice, confirming the theory of societal vulnerability and Honneth's theory of recognition. This level also increases along with increasing opportunities to make acquaintances and have fun in the neighbourhood. In females, this involvement is explained by the distance with regard to pro-sociality level.Key words: Belgium; youth; non-conventional political participation; theory of societal vulnerability; Honneth's theory of recognition; gender theory Studies of political participation have traditionally distinguished between conventional and non-conventional, and legal and illegal modes of participation (John, Fieldhouse and Liu 2011). Data collected as part of the PIDOP project provide an opportunity to identify non-conventional/illegal political actions among young people, actions such as writing messages or graffiti with a political message on walls or participating in radical actions such as burning flags, etc. The aim of this paper is to shed more light on the individual factors which could explain such actions among male and female adolescents. Three hypotheses are tested in this paper. Firstly, that these actions are linked to conventional forms of political and social activities; secondly, that they ensue from concrete life experiences; thirdly, to establish the impact of gendered socialisation and expectations on the probability of non-conventional/ illegal political actions but also on the dynamics of explanatory factors.Can non-conventional political participation be explained by the theories of societal vulnerability and recognition?According to the theory of societal vulnerability (Vettenburg, Walgrave and Van Kerkhove 1984;Walgrave 1992), the most disadvantaged young people behave in a most

The present study aims at testing the relationship between societal vulnerability and self-reported offending using the Belgian data of the second International Self-Report Delinquency Study (ISRD-2). Societal vulnerability is a much-discussed covariate of adolescent offending. We test the hypotheses that violent values, self-control and troublesome youth group involvement are key mechanisms that mediate the relationship between societal vulnerability and offending. We found an indirect path of societal vulnerability for offending through violent values, self-control and troublesome youth group involvement, but there remains also a direct impact. The implications of these findings for policy and future studies of offending are addressed.

In this article we propose looking into some factors for Civic Participation and the intention to continue to participate among local (Study I) and immigrant (Study II) young people living in Belgium and Germany. In Study I, 1,079 young people (M(age) = 19.23, 44.9% males) completed a self-report questionnaire asking about their Civic Participation. Multiple linear regressions reveal (a) evidence of a pool of variables significantly linked to Civic Participation: Institutional Trust, Collective-Efficacy, Parents' and Peers' Support, Political Interest, Motivations and (b) that Civic Participation, along with the mediation of the Participation's Efficacy, explains the Intention to Continue to Participate. An explanatory model was constructed on participation and the Intention to Continue to Participate on behalf of the native youth. This model is invariant between the two countries. In Study II, 276 young Turkish immigrants (M(age) = 20.80, 49.3% males) recruited in Belgium and Germany filled out the same questionnaire as in Study I. The same analysis was conducted as for Study I, and they provided the same results as the native group, highlighting the invariance of the model between natives and immigrants. Applicative repercussions are discussed.

Situational action theory (SAT) has emphasized the interaction between individual and social influences on youth crime involvement. In this study, attitudes towards violence, self-control and perception of neighbourhood are tested in order to determine to what extent they predict versatility in violent and non-violent offences. In order to attain this goal, 2309 Belgian youths aged from 12 to 18 years were administered the Self-report Delinquency Questionnaire. When the offences are divided into violent and non-violent versatilities, the results show differences in the factors that predict delinquency; whereas attitudes towards violence and self-control predict all type of offences, the perception of neighbourhood is only a predictive factor for non-violent offences. External and internal factors need to be included in order to predict the widest range of criminal versatility, since committing a crime involves making choices that depend on the perceived alternatives.