Canadian provinces and territories have gained increasing relevance in matters of international trade over the last several decades. The possibility of a Canada–European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement, however, marks the first time that sub-federal governments in Canada have been directly involved in specific areas of negotiations. The significance of this development, examined in this series of policy papers, can be organized under five overarching themes: 1) the negotiation, ratification, and implementation of foreign trade agreements; 2) the need to distinguish between process activity and actual policy outcomes; 3) the ongoing relevance of Canadian federalism; 4) the impact of non-governmental actors, especially civil society; and 5) the differing interpretations of academics, practitioners, business, and societal groups.
Abstract.The Kyoto Protocol was a controversial issue within Canadian federalism, especially in Alberta, where the province considered a formal constitutional challenge regarding the implementation of the agreement. This option was not pursued, however, due to existing judicial precedent that limits the jurisdictional authority of the provinces in international affairs. Regardless, these rulings still suggest a level of constitutional ambiguity, which creates motivation for federal-provincial cooperation on foreign trade and environmental policy. As a result, highly valued formalized consultative mechanisms have developed in these issue areas during the past two decades. Ottawa's decision to ratify Kyoto, however, represented a significant departure from previous practices of cooperative federalism. In pursuing the protocol as part of his legacy agenda, Chrétien was aware of the provinces' tenuous constitutional status. It is important to note, however, that the resulting tension between both levels of government was atypical and does not threaten the viability of cooperative federalism in the near future.Résumé.Le protocole de Kyoto a suscité de nombreuses controverses au sein du fédéralisme canadien, en particulier en Alberta où le gouvernement songea même à contester formellement la constitutionnalité de sa mise en oeuvre. En définitive, il a abandonné cette option en raison de précédents jurisprudentiels qui limitent la juridiction des provinces en affaires internationales. Ces décisions suggèrent néanmoins qu'il existe un certain niveau d'ambiguïté constitutionnelle propre à motiver une attitude de coopération fédérale-provinciale en matière d'environnement et de commerce extérieur. De ce fait, des mécanismes consultatifs très structurés ont été mis au point dans ces domaines au cours des deux dernières décennies. Or, la décision d'Ottawa de ratifier Kyoto contrastait nettement avec les pratiques antérieures de fédéralisme coopératif. En cherchant à faire du Protocole de Kyoto un élément de son héritage, Chrétien était conscient de la fragilité des arguments constitutionnels des provinces. Cependant, il est important de noter que la tension ainsi créée entre les deux niveaux de gouvernement était atypique et qu'elle ne menace pas la validité du fédéralisme coopératif dans l'avenir.
Canada has a history of supporting the evolution of trade related multi-level governance structures. In the post-war period these commitments had limited implications for domestic policy space. Over time, however, these governance frameworks began to increasingly focus on areas of provincial jurisdiction. This paper argues that these developments have empowered a range of traditional and non-traditional actors within Canadian provinces. On an institutional basis, this includes engagement by provincial executives, bureaucratic interests, and emerging consultative structures within Canadian federalism. Sectoral interests have also responded by pressuring provincial governments to adopt specific policy positions. In addition, neo-liberal ideational factors are significant although some provincial governments have at times challenged this ideological consistency. Societal considerations, on the other hand, have the least impact provincially. Therefore, it is necessary to distinguish between national and sub-national interests when evaluating Canada’s foreign trade policy. In the case of Canadian provinces it is clear that institutional, sectoral, and ideational factors are most prominent.
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