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Prior research indicates many women either leave or pursue science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) degrees because the social climate undermined or strengthened their motivation and career aspirations. We investigated whether women’s experiences of sexual harassment and STEM-related gender bias negatively predicted their STEM motivation (task value, competence beliefs, and perceived costs) and STEM career aspirations. We also tested whether STEM encouragement from friends and family positively predicted motivation and aspirations. To consider domain-specific effects, we also tested the predictors in relation to non-STEM motivation and career aspirations. Students’ grade point average was controlled in all analyses. The sample was undergraduate women enrolled in gateway biology courses for majors ( N = 685; M = 19.67 years of age; 35% Asian, 31% White, and 27% Latinx). A majority experienced gender bias (60.9%) or sexual harassment (78.1%) at least once in the past year. STEM-related gender bias from classmates and sexual harassment from instructors (faculty, teaching assistants, or graduate students) were negatively related to STEM motivation and career aspirations. Perceived STEM encouragement from friends was positively related to motivation, and STEM encouragement from friends and family predicted STEM career aspirations. Finally, domain-specific effects were indicated. Our research highlights the need for programs that increase awareness of discrimination, combat bias and harassment, and affirm students’ STEM interest. Additional online materials for this article are available on PWQ's website at https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/0361684318806302

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Our short‐term longitudinal study explored undergraduate students' experiences with performing authentic science practices in the classroom in relation to their science achievement and course grades. In addition, classroom experiences (felt recognition as a scientist and perceived classroom climate) and changes over a 10‐week academic term in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) identity and motivation were tested as mediators. The sample comprised 1,079 undergraduate students from introductory biology classrooms (65.4% women, 37.6% Asian, 30.2% White, 25.1% Latinx). Using structural equation modeling (SEM), our hypothesized model was confirmed while controlling for class size and GPA. Performing science practices (e.g., hypothesizing or explaining results) positively predicted students' felt recognition as a scientist; and felt recognition positively predicted perceived classroom climate. In turn, felt recognition and classroom climate predicted increases over time in students' STEM motivation (expectancy‐value beliefs), STEM identity, and STEM career aspirations. Finally, these factors predicted students' course grade. Both recognition as a scientist and positive classroom climate were more strongly related to outcomes among underrepresented minority (URM) students. Findings have implications for why large‐format courses that emphasize opportunities for students to learn science practices are related to positive STEM outcomes, as well as why they may prove especially helpful for URM students. Practical implications include the importance of recognition as a scientist from professors, teaching assistants, and classmates in addition to curriculum that engages students in the authentic practices of science.

Stereotypes reduce women's identification with science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM), which can decrease their motivation to enter STEM domains. Stereotypes may be gender-based (e.g., STEM is for men) or trait-based (e.g., STEM is for geniuses). In this study, I explored two primary research questions: First, would stereotyping STEM as a domain for nerdy geniuses negatively relate to women's STEM identity? Second, would STEM identity mediate the relation between stereotypes and STEM motivation? Nerd-genius stereotypes and gender stereotypes negatively contributed to women's STEM identity. STEM identity positively contributed to women's STEM motivation (including expectancy-value beliefs). Participants were a diverse sample of undergraduate women (N ¼ 195, mean age was 19.8; 30% of participants were Latina, 30% European, 24% Asian). Stereotype measures were (1) implicit gender-STEM associations, (2) explicit gender associations about STEM, and (3) a new scale that measured nerd-genius stereotypes. The results highlight the unique contribution different stereotypes make toward women's identification with STEM and, in turn, their motivation to pursue STEM pathways. Practice implications include addressing nerd-genius stereotypes in STEM interventions and reducing classroom artifacts that might be reminiscent of these stereotypes.

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