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In Portugal, in 2012, the movement “To hell with troika! We want our lives!” emerged from digital social networks and with demonstration on the street on September 15. This social movement has patented new forms of public mobilization and protest motivated by citizens' dissatisfaction with the austerity measures of the Portuguese government, but it is part of the line of protest that has been taking place at the international level. Social networks were used to trigger mobilization, but the protest did not dispense with the traditional forms of expression in the public space, such as gatherings in the squares, rallies, marches and posters. Using a corpus taken from the written press, the event was analyzed using a theoretical and conceptual framework of theories of public space, social movements, and social networks. In this article we intend to reflect on the current protest movements, social networks and collective action, at a time when activism is exercised in electronic connections and in the street. Through this movement we aim to question whether we are facing new configurations of mobilization, visibility, public action and the creation of a common space, and / or if we are facing a continuity of the traditional social movement with the incorporation of new "repertoires of action".

This paper focuses in transformation of

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O #MeToo é um dos movimentos feministas impulsionado pelo digital e com expressão glocal. Tornado viral através do Twitter, rapidamente ganhou visibilidade nos media tradicionais trazendo para a esfera pública a discussão de temas associados ao assédio e violência sexual. Tomando como ponto de partida a expressão pública nos media tradicionais do movimento #MeToo em Portugal entre 2017 e 2022, e com base numa metodologia qualitativa ancorada numa análise temática de 91 artigos de opinião dos jornais Expresso e Público, este artigo visa conhecer as especificidades do contexto português em torno das questões que envolvem o #MeToo e analisar as temáticas que foram evidenciadas nestes espaços. Ressalta-se o surgimento de três grandes temáticas: Assédio e Violência Sexual; Questionamento da (re)vitimização e normalização; Ambivalência dos feminismos no movimento #MeToo. Dos resultados, destaca-se a existência de discursos paradoxais sobre o movimento, os quais, por um lado, contribuem para a sua descredibilização, e, por outro, funcionam como motores para a consciencialização pública em torno das questões da violência e do assédio. Concluímos que os artigos de opinião têm o poder de influência tanto na cristalização de determinadas posições, como na mudança de atitudes e comportamentos da esfera pública, sendo estes promovidos pela autoridade e legitimidade de quem faz opinião nos jornais e tem a capacidade para tematizar o espaço público.

In recent years, Europe has witnessed social movements that break away from the conventional patterns typical of 19th and 20th century movements. The party-or trade union-organised social movements, very much centred on 19th century political and economic issues, or the New Social Movements centred on more universal values such as peace, environment, gender, ethnicity, of the 20th century seem to be changing their 'repertoire'. At the beginning of the 21st century, parties and trade unions have been losing their leading role in the organisation of demonstrations and strikes and collective actions prepared and led by specific actors have given way to new forms of social action, without leaders, without organisation, without headquarters, and which use social networks as a form of mobilisation. These are social movements that contest not to have more rights but to exercise those that exist, a full citizenship that offers the freedom to express one's opinion and the regalia of participation in political, economic, social, educational areas. In Europe, there are various types of such movements, but we will highlight the "Geração à Rasca (Scratch Generation)" movement in Portugal and that of the "Indignados (Outraged)" or 15 M in Spain, both started in 2011, and which had repercussions in the main European capitals. Using a qualitative methodology, through these protest movements we seek to understand how the complexity of today's social movements and their non-institutionalisation represent a challenge to European democracy.

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The year 2008 was marked by a financial crisis that started in the United States but quickly spread to the rest of the world. Subprime-related, this crisis was linked to property speculation, leveraged by the banking sector. This crisis quickly spread to Europe due to exposure of European economies to international markets. To avoid economic collapse the States decided to intervene in the banking sector, nationalizing some banks and injecting capital in others. Some European countries not to enter bankruptcy had to ask for external financial support between 2010-11, was the case of Greece, Ireland and Portugal. The aid granted by the Troika (European Union, European Central Bank, International Monetary Fund) to European countries referenced advocated a drastic austerity plan. Faced with such a scenario of crisis, austerity, unemployment and precariousness, Europeans came to the streets to demonstrate their discontent with the crisis but also with politicians and policies implemented to solve the economic problems. Throughout Europe there were large protests, especially in the countries that received international aid. From a corpus taken from newspapers and from a theoretical framework of social movements we intend to verify if there was a direct relationship between crisis and contestation in the three countries that had external aid and if this crisis returned the centrality to materials on European social movements.