We establish for the first time a national mortality rate for religious congregations by determining the 2005 status of congregations in the 1998 National Congregations Study sample. The annual mortality rate for religious congregations is 1 percent, which is among the lowest mortality rates ever observed for any type of organization. This unusually low mortality rate probably indicates an organizational population whose weakest members live on in a weakened state rather than an organizational population that is unusually robust all the way down to its most vulnerable members.
This paper investigates occupational gender inequality among head clergy in U.S. religious congregations. Prior research emphasized the stratification of the clergy occupational structure and the under-representation of women in head clergy positions. This paper focuses on women who are leading congregations. Data are from the National Congregations Study (1998, 2006, and 2012). I review the representation of women among head clergy, investigate the differences in congregational characteristics between those led by men and women, and explore whether men or women are more likely to have positions with non-standard employment forms. Findings show a mixed picture regarding equality for women clergy. By 2012, while women are still less likely than men to be head clergy, among head clergy there is not a significant difference between women and men in the likelihood of being a senior pastor (supervising other clergy). Also, there are no significant differences related to non-standard employment. The only significant congregational member characteristic is that women are more likely to lead predominantly white congregations. However, in 1998However, in , 2006However, in , and 2012, women were consistently significantly more likely than men to lead smaller congregations. While there may be few other differences between men and women head clergy job statuses, congregation size is arguably what matters most. Women's lack of representation in larger congregations suggests continued gender inequality among head clergy.
We interpret three strands of social movement theory (social threat, opportunity structure, and resource mobilization) to understand religious congregations' political activity related to same-sex marriage. Using a unique, national data set from the 2008 presidential election, we show the importance of the anti-same-sex marriage discursive opportunity structure (DOS) for facilitating, and occasionally constraining, congregational political activity. Other theoretical factors influence congregations under limited, although important, conditions. Our research develops a nuanced understanding of congregations' roles in social movements that prioritize institutionalized political activity and expands DOS theory in relation to local religious organizations.
Surveys of religious congregations are a mainstay of sociological research on organized religion in the United States. How accurate, reliable, and comparable are the data generated from the disparate methods used by researchers? We analyze four congregational surveys to show how two components of data collection—sampling design and survey response rate—may contribute to differences in population estimates between the surveys. Results show that in three populations of congregations (all religious traditions, Catholic parishes, and Hispanic Catholic parishes), estimates of key congregational measures, such as head clergy characteristics, congregational size, and Hispanic composition, are susceptible to differences in data collection methods. While differences in sampling design contribute to some of the variation in variable estimates, our unique analysis of survey metadata shows the importance of high response rates for producing accurate estimates for many variables. We conclude with suggestions for improving congregational data collection methods and efforts to compare survey estimates.
During the past 30 years the Catholic bishops of the United States have captured the national headlines with their statements on nuclear disarmament and economic justice, their struggles to address sexual abuse by clergy, their concerns about abortion and religious freedom, and their defense of refugees and immigrants. The nearly 200 bishops leading local dioceses, though, are a varied mix of Church leaders. In 2016 all of the bishops were surveyed with an eye to better understanding who are the bishops as individuals (their background, education, and experiences), what are their day-to-day activities, their challenges and satisfactions as Church leaders, how they manage their dioceses, and how they speak out on public issues. The data are enriched by frequent quotes and anecdotes from the interviewed bishops. During the past 25 years the Church has gone from Pope John Paul II to Benedict XVI to Pope Francis, and the Catholic Church in the United States, along with its bishops, are dramatically different. The bishops of the United States have had their leadership tested by the sex abuse scandals, the movement of Catholics from the Northeast and Midwest to the South and West, and the arrival of more Catholic immigrants than they have seen in a century along with the ongoing decline in the number of priests and sisters serving the Catholic community. This book provides a unique and comprehensive view of who the bishops are, where they are from, and how they are leading the Church in the United States in the era of Pope Francis.
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