During adolescence, youths develop attitudes about the justice system. Although there is consistent evidence that personal experiences with legal actors contribute to attitudes toward the justice system, adolescents' attitudes may also be influenced vicariously through their friends' experiences with the justice system. Using data from a sample of 1,216 first-time male adolescent offenders, the present study examines how attitudes toward the justice system develop over 24 months following the adolescent's first arrest. Even after accounting for personal justice system experiences, including self-reported offending, time on the streets, and contacts with the police, results indicate that adolescents with friends who were arrested report more negative attitudes toward the justice system than those without friends who were arrested. Further, experiencing a friend's arrest has a larger impact on the attitudes of youths who are experiencing it for the first time. We provide evidence that attitudes toward the justice system are a product of accumulated social experiences-both personal and vicarious-with the justice system.

Negative attitudes toward the justice system are associated with higher rates of reoffending, but there is little information about how these negative attitudes are formed among youth. Despite the welldocumented link between parents' and children's attitudes in other domains, no research has explored how parents' attitudes toward the justice system may be associated with youth attitudes. The relation between youth and mother justice system legitimacy attitudes, and the effect these attitudes have on juvenile offenders' reoffending behavior, was examined using structural equation modeling. Mothers and their sons (N ϭ 315 pairs, 630 total) were interviewed after the son's first arrest and again 12 months later. Results indicate that sons' attitudes (directly) and mothers' attitudes (indirectly) predicted increased youth self-reported reoffending 12 months after the first offense. Furthermore, mothers' attitudes indirectly predicted youth official rearrests 12 months after the first offense. No racial differences were found. These findings provide evidence that mothers socialize youth attitudes toward the justice system, and suggest that family context may influence youth probationary success. When designing both legislation and interventions, practitioners and policymakers must keep in mind the broader family context in which youth offenders are embedded.

the collection, analysis, and interpretation of data or in writing the manuscript, apart from their financial contribution; the content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of any of the funding agencies. We would like to thank Claire Chie for her assistance in reliability coding and all participants and their families for their involvement in the study.

Youth who hold negative attitudes toward the justice system are more likely to engage in crime. It is particularly important to study attitudes early in someone's criminal career when they may still be open to change. To date, however, there has been no empirical test assessing whether the relation between attitudes and behavior changes after a first arrest. Using a sample of 1,216 first-time, male, juvenile offenders from the Crossroads Study, the present study explored: (a) racial/ethnic differences in the longitudinal patterns of youths' attitudes; and (b) reciprocal associations between youths' attitudes and both their offending behavior and rearrests in the 2.5 years after their first arrest. The results indicated that White youths' attitudes remained largely stable, Black youths' attitudes became more negative, and Latino youths' attitudes became more negative but only among Latino youth who reoffended. Although the results indicated that youths' attitudes were related to both offending and rearrest, the bidirectional relation between attitudes and offending weakened across time. After 2.5 years after their first arrest, attitudes no longer predicted offending or rearrests. These novel findings suggest that a youth's first contact is likely the most impactful. When it comes to young offenders' interactions with the justice system, first impressions matter. (PsycINFO Database Record

Juvenile offenders may be too young to manage the terms of their probation independently; a parent's participation in the probationary process is critical for youths' successful transition to crime desistence. However, a parent's capacity for support during his or her child's legal process may depend on the parent's knowledge of how the justice system operates. The present study is the first to quantify mothers' knowledge of the juvenile justice system. The authors examine the association between mothers' legal knowledge, legal participation, and youth re-offending using a longitudinal sample of 324 dyads (total N ϭ 648) of mothers and their sons, all first-time juvenile offenders. Results indicate that mothers averaged a 66% out of 100% on a test of legal knowledge. Importantly, those mothers who knew the least about the system also participated the least in their son's legal process, and mothers who participated the least had sons who self-reported re-offending more within the first year after his arrest. Practitioners are encouraged to educate parents of juvenile offenders about their rights and responsibilities in the courtroom and on probation, to create meaningful avenues for parental involvement, and to set youth up for success after a first arrest.

Although impulsivity is one of the strongest psychological predictors of crime, it is unclear how well impulsivity, measured at a specific moment in adolescence, predicts criminal behavior months or years into the future. The present study investigated how far into the future self-reports and parents' reports of a youth's impulsivity predicted whether he engaged in illegal behavior, whether one reporter's assessment was more predictive than the other's, and whether there is value in obtaining multiple reports. Data were obtained from a 6-year longitudinal study of adjudicated juvenile offenders (n = 701 mother-son dyads). Youth (m = 15.93 years old; sd = 1.14) and their mothers independently reported on adolescents' impulsivity at the initial assessment. We examined the prospective correlation of these measures with illegal behavior, assessed by official records of arrests and youths' self-reports of offending across the 72-month study period. Youths' and mothers' reports of the adolescents' impulsivity were weakly, but significantly, correlated with one another. Furthermore, mothers' ratings of their sons' impulsivity predicted arrest up to 6 years into the future, whereas youths' reports did not significantly predict arrest beyond 30 months. With respect to youths' self-reports of offending, mothers' ratings of impulsivity again predicted farther into the future (as late as 6 years later) than did youths' self-reports of impulsivity, which were not predictive beyond 4 years. However, across the first 4 years, youths' self-reports of impulsivity explained more variance in self-reported offending than did mothers' ratings. The results underscore the endurance of the predictive utility of an assessment of impulsivity and the importance (and accuracy) of parents' reports of developmental constructs, even when their children are adolescents.

Can psychopathy be identified as accurately during adolescence as adulthood? To address this developmental question, this study compared the stability of scores on the leading measure of psychopathy, the Psychopathy Checklist (PCL), among 202 adolescent (M ϭ 15.8 years, SD ϭ 0.89) and 134 adult (M ϭ 27.5, SD ϭ 1.08) offenders. Over a 2-year period, adolescents' total scores on the PCL (r ϭ .33) were less stable than those of adults (r ϭ .71). Adolescents' baseline PCL scores also weakly predicted psychopathy classifications 2 years later (AUC ϭ .62), particularly compared with those of adults (AUC ϭ .85). Finally, increases in psychosocial maturity over time predicted decreases in PCL scores for adolescents, but not adults. These results raise questions about reliance upon psychopathy measures to inform decisions about youthful offenders that will have long-term consequences.

When a youth is accused of committing a crime, juvenile justice system arbiters, such as probation officers, interview both the youth and the youth's guardian to gather information before deciding to either process the youth formally or informally. Factors about a youth that are unrelated to the criminal charge may contribute to arbiters' processing decisions. Such extralegal factors include demographic characteristics and characteristics of the youth's context (e.g., home environment, peer delinquency). Little is known about how extralegal factors other than age and race affect youth processing. The present study draws on data from probation officer assessment interviews with 359 male, first-time, low-level juvenile offenders, as well as longitudinal self-report and official records of a youth's reoffending after his first arrest, to determine how extralegal factors affect probation processing decisions, and whether processing is associated with youth reoffending and rearrest. The results indicate that even after taking into account legal factors and demographic characteristics, youth are more likely to be processed formally if they refuse to comment on the charge, if their probation officers believe their guardians to be relatively more disapproving of their friends, and if their probation officers perceive their home environments to be more problematic. Although youth who are processed formally self-report reoffending at the same rate as youth who are processed informally, youth who are processed formally are more likely to be rearrested in the subsequent 6 months. Implications for how processing decisions may promote sustained involvement in the juvenile justice system are discussed.