ResumoNo Brasil, o ano de 1968 é lembrado pelos confrontos violentos entre o movimento estudantil e o regime militar. o artigo sustenta que não é possível entender a crise de 1968 sem levar em conta um grupo ignorado pela maioria dos estudos -os políticos civis que eram ligados aos estudantes por laços de classe social e sangue. Cada vez mais decepcionados após 4 anos de regime militar autoritário que havia tirado várias das suas prerrogativas, muitos políticos se enfureceram ao ver a repressão violenta de manifestantes estudantis, juntaram-se a passeatas e defenderam os estudantes em ações e palavras. esse apoio a estudantes esquerdistas, que culminou nos discursos de Márcio Moreira Alves atacando as Forças Armadas, criaram divergências irreconciliáveis entre polí-ticos e militares, levando à decretação do Ato Institucional n o 5, em dezembro. Palavras-chave: movimento estudantil; políticos; Universidade de Brasília. Abstract 1968 in Brazil has long been remembered for the violent showdown between the student movement and military regime. This article argues that we cannot understand the crisis of 1968 without taking into account a group that most studies have ignored -the civilian politicians who were bound to university students by ties of social class and blood. As they grew increasingly frustrated after four years of authoritarian military rule that had taken away many of their prerogatives, many politicians were infuriated as the regime violently repressed protesting students, and they joined marches and defended the students with their actions and words. This support for leftist students, culminating in Márcio Moreira Alves's speeches attacking the military, created irreconcilable differences between politicians and the military, leading in December to the decree of Institutional Act no. 5
This article explores the geographies of desire that inform contact between gay Brazilian tourists and the men they encounter abroad. It argues that Brazilian men largely embrace the sexualized image of themselves that circulates globally and value foreign men according to their proximity to whiteness. By studying tourists who hail from the Global South, their imaginings of the Global North, and the ways they exoticize themselves, the article brings a new perspective to the scholarship on tourism, which usually focuses on North-to-South travel.
The Arabs who remained suffered from the trauma of the Nakba and its consequences for a long time. They were overcome by a sense of loss, confusion, and incapacitating anger, as well as a sense of betrayal and humiliation in the wake of the defeat. The vast majority were peasants (fellahin) who lost the Palestinian city and so, like flocks without shepherds, had to adapt on their own to the new tragic reality and to the language and laws of their new rulers. These laws and policies aimed to further restrict them and to grab their remaining lands and property. However, the leaders of Israel were still unsatisfied, and continued to look for the means and the appropriate time to rid themselves of the remaining minority. Thus, the remaining Palestinians spent their first years in their estranged homeland tormented by the fear of being uprooted and displaced. himself to fiercely attack Elias Khoury, relying on Morris's The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, Morris had published a new book, Correcting a Mistake, in which he cast doubt on some of his previous findings. 37 In an article on Operation Hiram in the Galilee, Morris affirmed the large number of massacres, expulsions, and acts of terrorizing the population carried out by the Israeli army to expel Palestinians from the Galilee outside Israel's borders. He went on: "Our information about these massacres is very limited because of the secrecy imposed by Israeli army archives on the relevant documents. " 38 We will just have to wait to see-if these secret documents are declassified-what they will add to our knowledge. Until that happens, are the victims supposed to go to their graves without being
federal deputy Ulysses Guimarães, national president of the MDB, stood at the rostrum of the Senate in Brasília. The party had just nominated him as its "anti-candidate" to run for president against General Ernesto Geisel, the regime's anointed candidate, in the 1974 electoral college vote, where ARENA would enjoy a massive advantage. Gazing over the heads of the delegates, Guimarães gave a grandiloquent acceptance speech filled with allusions to Portuguese poetry and Greek mythology that would have been incomprehensible to working-class Brazilians. At its crescendo, he declared, "'It is necessary to navigate. It is not necessary to live. ' Stationed today in the crow's nest, I hope to God that soon I will be able to shout to the Brazilian people, 'Good news, my Captain! Land in sight!' Without shadow, without fear, without nightmares, the pure and blessed land of liberty is in sight!" 1 Guimarães was saying that the MDB was driven by the desire to take a stand. In the audience there was a new generation of deputies dubbed autênticos (authentics) who agreed; no matter the risks, the opposition should fearlessly stand up to tyranny. Yet many of those assembled were less interested in taking a stand than surviving. As Minas Gerais deputy Tancredo Neves warned the Bahian autêntico Francisco Pinto, "Son, don't put your chest on the tip of the bayonet! Let's just stay sheltered under the tree and wait for the storm to pass. " 2 But in the years following the decree of AI-5, it looked as though the storm might never pass. Congress had become a rubber stamp for the regime. Leftist university students had been driven into exile or opted for armed resistance, and the military was marshaling all its firepower to annihilate them. Meanwhile, under the guidance of Finance Minister Delfim Neto, the economy grew at an annual clip of nearly 11 percent between 1969 and 1974, and the "Brazilian miracle" generated an approval rating
The Military Punishes the Political ClassOn December 18, 1968, five days after the decree of AI-5, Mário Covas sat at home with his wife, Lila, when there was a knock at the door. Two federal policemen informed him that they had been sent on a "disagreeable task, " showing an arrest warrant signed by the regional military commander. While Lila made coffee, Covas changed clothes. As he recalled in a handwritten prison diary, he ordinarily would have argued that parliamentary immunity precluded his arrest. But in days like these, "when any timidity has been eliminated, " resistance was pointless. Besides, many of his colleagues, "estimable and honorable men, " had already been jailed. Whether due to "honor . . . or a little bit of vanity, " the knock came as a "relief. " 1 The arrest was a validation of his stand for principle, a vindication of his honor as a public man.The ten months following the decree of AI-5 were among the darkest the Brazilian political class had ever known, with the indefinite closure of Congress, the arrest of dozens of politicians, and the cassação of over 330 colleagues at all levels. It was reminiscent of the Estado Novo, so reviled by the masterminds of 1964. Certainly older arenistas must have drawn parallels between themselves and the tenentes, the idealistic young officers who had fought to overthrow the First Republic in the 1920s, only to see their dreams dashed by Getúlio Vargas's centralization of power. 2 Like Vargas, the military sought to make regional elites subservient to a centralized government, closed Congress, and persecuted politicians. 3 Unlike Vargas, however, whose Estado Novo had been an ad hoc solution, the military envisioned a profound transformation of politics. To key military figures, the Moreira Alves affair demonstrated that despite nearly five years of the
On the morning of August 29, 1968, hundreds of heavily armed policemen descended on the campus of the University of Brasília (UnB), located barely two miles from Brazil's futuristic Congress. Brandishing arrest warrants for leftist student activists, they kicked in classroom doors, smashed laboratory equipment, and marched the children of Brazil's elites across campus at gunpoint to be held in a basketball court for processing. When politicians arrived to intervene, they were met with insults and even beatings. The political class had largely supported or tolerated a "Revolution" to save the country from leftist subversion, economic ruin, and political malfeasance; the few who protested had been removed from office. Yet four years later it was clear that the military sought not a passing intervention but a profound transformation of Brazil's political system and the political class with it. Although the military was adamant that it desired a partnership with politicians, politicians were to be the junior partners. In 1968, politicians' mounting frustration reached a breaking point.After explaining politicians' reaction to the changes imposed after 1964, this chapter analyzes the first act in the showdown of 1968: the political class's reaction to repression of the leftist-dominated student movement. Given the social and family ties between politicians and students, both regime allies and opponents were furious when the military attacked them with unprecedented (at least for them) levels of violence. Frustrated by their inability to stop it, they could only hurl denunciations at the police, the military, and the regime. How had a "Revolution" to save the country from communism devolved into Soviet-style repression? Regime allies had never dreamed that their "Revolution" would one day turn on their own children, and even the opposition was shocked at the ferocity of the violence.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.
hi@scite.ai
10624 S. Eastern Ave., Ste. A-614
Henderson, NV 89052, USA
Copyright © 2024 scite LLC. All rights reserved.
Made with 💙 for researchers
Part of the Research Solutions Family.