The camphor tree, Cinnamomum camphora (L.) Nees et Eberm., is a major environmental weed in parts of eastern Australia, particularly in northeastern New South Wales. It occurs in this region in two chemotypic forms, discriminated on the basis of leaf oil: camphor and 1,8-cineole. Oil was extracted from various parts of trees of each of these chemotypes: leaf, fruit, branch, trunk and root. Analysis of the oil revealed that, for the camphor-type, camphor content was greater in leaves than in other tree parts, where cineole and safrole were also present in substantial proportions; and, for the cineole-type, 1,8-cineole, which with lesser quantities of sabinene and citronellol dominated the leaf oil, is reduced in significance in the trunk where camphor is also an important constituent.
The brewing industry in New South Wales reached its numerical peak of about eighty breweries in the 1880s, and then declined to five breweries by the 1930s. Three of these, controlled by two firms, supplied virtually the whole state. This numerical ebb represents a process of industry concentration, driven by the necessity to maximize efficiency through economies of scale. This article examines increased concentration through cost pressures which encouraged it, and transport and other improvements which facilitated it. The former included: restrictive licensing, licence reduction, and diminishing demand, and the consequent need to tie hotels to secure markets; the colonial beer duty, the federal beer excise, and related government supervision; and the introduction of new technology to the brewing industry to satisfy changing fashions. Accompanying its numerical decline went a spatial contraction, the result of market expansion by Sydney breweries, facilitated by rail transport and by improvements in the chemical stability of beer.
A feature of the pre-European landscape of the sub-tropical Richmond River district of north-eastern New South Wales was a large expanse of rainforest known as the Big Scrub. In and around the Big Scrub were small patches of grassland and grassy open-forest, known locally as 'grasses'. These were often given individual names, which indicated their importance in the early timber-based economy of this generally grassless district for camping and depasturing working stock. Historical records enable a reconstruction of the distribution of 56 named 'grasses', and also allow some inferences to be made about their botany and ecology. The 'grasses' appear to be natural features of the landscape, mainly relict areas following invasion of the late Pleistocene open-forest vegetation by rainforest, following sea level rise, during the Holocene. A toponymic study of the use of the term 'grass' in the Richmond River district is also included.
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