In this paper, one of the three instances of object preposing in Classical Chinese, the structure [NP 1 NP 2 shi / zhi V], is discussed in detail. According to their distributional differences, two structures-A [NP 1 NP 2 shi V] and B [NP 1 NP 2 zhi V]-are distinguished, and it is shown that both constructions, although sometimes identical in the surface structure, are subject to different syntactic and semantic constraints. This analysis challenges the hypothesis proposed by Peyraube (Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientales 26(1):3-20, 1997) that structure A [NP 1 NP 2 shi V] was gradually replaced by structure B [NP 1 NP 2 zhi V] during the Warring States period. In accordance with the syntactic constraints, different analyses are proposed for structures A and B in the course of the paper. Structure A, [NP S NP O shi V], is analyzed as a copula construction, a focalization (cleft) construction with the object not in preverbal position but to the right of the copula. Structure B, which is more heterogeneous than structure A, will be subdivided into different structures, only two of which will be retained as cases of a focalized and preposed object. The analysis reveals that object preposing in Classical Chinese is evidently a case of marked word order and cannot be assumed to be a vestige of an earlier SOV word order in Chinese.
In this synchronie study of the modal auxiliary verbs kĕ and kĕ yĭ in Han period Chinese, it is shown that they predominantly express root possibility values, while deontic values are mainly restricted to the negated form of the construction. Propositional values (either epistemic or evidential) are almost non- existent and co-occur only with verbs that licence an evidential interpretation. In Part II, the three structures where kĕ combines with a negative marker are discussed. These are the structures: [NEG Vmod VP], [Vmod NEG VP] and [NEGVmod NEG VP], which mainly express the deontic modalities of prohibition but also root possibility.
AbstractThis paper provides a classification of modal verbs of possibility and necessity in Late Archaic and Early Middle
Chinese based on an analysis of their scopal features with respect to negation. It shows that circumstantial readings and deontic
readings are interpreted in two different syntactic positions which can be determined by the scope of negation following the
cartographic approach proposed in Tsai (2008, 2015) and the proposal of Cormack and Smith (2002) of a Polarity Head,
which constitutes a syntactic divide of the domain of necessity modals from the domain of circumstantial modals. Our analysis of
the scope of negation demonstrates that the deontic interpretation of possibility modals requires their upward movement from the
lexical to the functional domain as part of the grammaticalization process from pre-modal lexical verbs to modal auxiliaries of
different functions in Modern Mandarin. In Early Middle Chinese, negated modal verbs of possibility start to replace the synthetic
modal negators of Archaic Chinese as part of the general process of analyticization of Chinese. We also show that the only true
necessity modals in Late Archaic Chinese belong to the category of circumstantial modals due to their scopal features when they
are negated.
In this paper the syntax and the semantics of the modal auxiliary verb dāng ??? and its diachronic development from a full verb into a modal auxiliary verb, and a future marker are at issue. It will be demonstrated that dang predominantly expresses the root modal values of obligation and necessity and that epistemic and future readings are subject to different syntactic constraints. Additionally, the data will show that although dang seems to exhibit typical features of grammaticalisation in its development from a full verb into a modal auxiliary verb and eventually into a future marker, its development differs considerably from the grammaticalisation processes proposed in the linguistic literature.
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