2008
DOI: 10.1163/1960602808x00073
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Modal verbs in Han period Chinese Part II: Negative Markers in combination with the modal auxiliary verbs kĕ and kĕ yĭ

Abstract: In this synchronie study of the modal auxiliary verbs kĕ and kĕ yĭ in Han period Chinese, it is shown that they predominantly express root possibility values, while deontic values are mainly restricted to the negated form of the construction. Propositional values (either epistemic or evidential) are almost non- existent and co-occur only with verbs that licence an evidential interpretation. In Part II, the three structures where kĕ combines with a negative marker are discussed. These are the structures: [NEG V… Show more

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Cited by 9 publications
(8 citation statements)
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“…This construction expresses a prohibition and not an obligation and is therefore not at issue in this study. 40 For a discussion on the different analyses of this construction and the role of 以 yǐ, see Meisterernst (2008b). 41 Ziegeler (2008: 44) identifies root modality with future projecting modality in her study.…”
Section: Endnotesmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…This construction expresses a prohibition and not an obligation and is therefore not at issue in this study. 40 For a discussion on the different analyses of this construction and the role of 以 yǐ, see Meisterernst (2008b). 41 Ziegeler (2008: 44) identifies root modality with future projecting modality in her study.…”
Section: Endnotesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…60 Instances with a negative marker preceding 可 kĕ in general express the root modal (deontic) value of prohibition. They can refer to both an agent-oriented modality corresponding to an obligation in the affirmative: 'must' , or a speaker-oriented modality, corresponding to permission in the affirmative: 'may' (Meisterernst 2008b). 61 The verb 得 dé 'find, obtain' may be an exception.…”
Section: Endnotesmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Despite its importance, not many comprehensive studies are as yet available for Chinese. Synchronically, there are studies on modal adverbs and modal auxiliaries in Modern Chinese, such as Alleton (1977;, Li (2004), Lin (2012) and Sparvoli (2015), while for Literary Chinese, the modal auxiliary verbs of possibility and of volition have been discussed by Peyraube (1999;2001), Liu (2000) and Meisterernst (2008a;2008b). Diachronically, some studies (e.g., Li 2004) proffer a brief history of canonical Mandarin modal verbs (neng 'can' , hui 'can' , yao 'should, must' , ying 'should' , de 'have to'); others focus on the diachronic development of specific modal verbs, such as modal verbs of obligation-dang 'should' and ying 'should' (Meisterernst 2011;2020), bixu 'must/have to' (Zhu 2005) and yao 'should, must' (Ma 2002), and modal verbs of volition-gan 'dare to' ken 'willing, can' and yuan 'willing' (Peyraube & Li 2012).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%