Authoritarianism has been predominantly utilized in American politics as a predictor of Republican identification and conservative policy preferences. We argue that this approach has neglected the role authoritarianism plays among Democrats and how it can operate within political parties regardless of their ideological orientation. Drawing from three distinct sets of data, we demonstrate the impact of authoritarianism in the 2016 Democratic Party's primaries. Authoritarianism consistently predicts differences in primary voting among Democrats, particularly support for Hillary Clinton over Bernie Sanders. This effect is robust across various model specifications including controls for ideology, partisan strength, and other predispositions. These results highlight the potential of authoritarianism to shape leadership preferences within the Democratic Party. We advocate for a reconsideration of authoritarianism as a disposition with meaningful consequences for intraparty dynamics and conclude with practical implications regarding the future of the Democratic Party.
Scholars of American politics have generally found a negative relationship between ambivalence and political engagement. This study explores such conclusions and argues that the effect of ambivalence on engagement varies according to electoral context. Using a multi‐level modeling strategy, I find that ambivalence has a significant overall effect on political engagement for citizens in the United States but a lesser overall impact for citizens in Great Britain. Yet by allowing the slope and the intercept of ambivalence to vary across parliamentary districts, I find that ambivalence has asymmetrical effects on political engagement within Britain. I conclude by arguing that ambivalence essentially operates in a differential manner across electoral contexts and provide preliminary evidence as to why this is.
Context: Previous research has shown that Americans with disabilities turn out to vote at significantly lower levels than people without disabilities, even after accounting for demographic and other situational factors related to political involvement. The authors examined the potential mechanisms underlying their low turnout. They asked whether people with disabilities exhibit participatory attitudes and behaviors at levels commensurate with their other individual-level characteristics. Methods: The present study conducted descriptive and predictive analyses on data from the 2012 and 2016 American National Election Studies. Findings: Despite low levels of turnout in recent elections, people with disabilities were just as participatory, if not more so, when considering alternative forms of political engagement. Our analyses indicate that, while disability status had no bearing on political efficacy or partisan strength, those with disabilities reported being even more interested in politics than those without disabilities. Evidence is provided that depressed turnout rates among those with disabilities may be due in part to lower levels of attentiveness to the news, political knowledge, and negative perceptions of government. Conclusions: The psychological impacts and behavioral consequences that emerge from possessing a disability and the broader role of disability in the American political context are multifaceted. This area of research would benefit from future studies which examine a variety of electoral contexts.
A training program for animal and human health professionals has been implemented in Azerbaijan through a joint agreement between the United States Defense Threat Reduction Agency and the Government of Azerbaijan. The training program is administered as part of the Cooperative Biological Engagement Program, and targets key employees in Azerbaijan's disease surveillance system including physicians, veterinarians, epidemiologists, and laboratory personnel. Training is aimed at improving detection, diagnosis, and response to especially dangerous pathogens (EDPs), although the techniques and methodologies can be applied to other pathogens and diseases of concern. Biosafety and biosecurity training is provided to all trainees within the program. Prior to 2014, a variety of international agencies and organizations provided training, which resulted in gaps related to lack of coordination of training materials and content. In 2014 a new training program was implemented in order to address those gaps. This paper provides an overview of the Cooperative Biological Engagement Program training program in Azerbaijan, a description of how the program fits into existing national training infrastructure, and an evaluation of the new program's effectiveness to date. Long-term sustainability of the program is also discussed.
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