This article discusses interreligious marriage in Central Java, especially in Surakarta, Semarang City and Jepara; places where the policies of stakeholders on judicial system, the role of demographic officials and religious leaders heavily influence each other. The policies of the State Court as an institution authorized to determine interreligious marriage vary from one to another area. For example, the Surakarta State Court receives the petition and establishes interreligious marriage, in contrast to the State Court in Semarang and Jepara which deny the petition of interreligious marriage. It is influenced by several things, namely the understanding of the regulation of marriage laws in Indonesia as well as religious understanding and role of its religious leaders. In the context of state and civil society relations, interreligious couples whose petitions are rejected consider it unfair; even those whose petition is accepted also deem it unfair since they regard their marriage as a civil marriage only, not desired by the state.Artikel ini membahas tentang perkawinan beda agama di Jawa Twngah, khususnya di Surakarta, Kota Semarang dan Kabupaten Jepara, tempat-tempat dimana kebijakan para pemangku kepentingan tentang sistem peradilan, peran pejabat demografik dan pemimpin agama saling mempengaruhi satu sama lain. Kebijakan Pengadilan Negeri sebagai lembaga yang berwenang menentukan perkawinan beda agama bervariasi dari satu daerah dengan daerah yang lain. Pengadilan Negeri Surakarta menerima petisi dan menetapkan perkawinan beda agama, berbeda dengan Pengadilan Negeri Kota Semarang dan Kabupaten Jepara yang menolak permohonan perkawinan beda agama. Perbedaan kebijakan tersebut dipengaruhi oleh beberapa hal, yaitu pemahaman tentang peraturan perundang-undangan perkawinan di Indonesia, pemahaman agama dan peran para pemimpin agama. Dalam konteks hubungan negara dan masyarakat sipil, pasangan antara agama yang permohonannya ditolak menganggapnya tidak adil; bahkan mereka yang permohonannya diterima juga menganggap itu tidak adil karena mereka menganggap merkawinannya hanyalah perkawinan sipil, yang tidak diinginkan oleh negara.
<p class="IABSSS">This paper describes the meaning and act of religion-based jihad according to some jihadists in Semarang city. Insisting that the real meaning of Jihad is <em>qitāl</em> (war, to fight) as said by the verse “La hukma Illa lillah” and hadith “<em>faqtulū haythu wajadtumūhum</em>” they, however, still propose another jihad called <em>difā</em>’ (defensive, to survive) for people who cannot meet the requirement of <em>qitāl</em>. The different act of jihad emerges because of its different factors behind such as social, economy, politics, psychology and others. The shift from <em>qitāl</em> to <em>difā</em>’ takes place by the process of humanizing the jihadists using: 1) personal approach by their morally closest men; 2) basic need approach such as economy, existency and peace; 3) religious approach by understanding that what they do is to fully adhere to Islam (kaffah); 4) emotional approach by caring and giving them empathy; 5) social approach by building solidarity to help their comrades.</p><p class="IABSSS" align="center">[]</p>Artikel ini mendeskripsikan makna dan perilaku jihad dari para pelaku jihad berbasis agama di Kota Semarang. Makna jihad yang sebenarnya bagi mereka adalah <em>qitāl</em> sebagaimana ayat “la hukma illa lillah” dan hadits “<em>faqtulū haythu wajadtumūhum</em>”, namun jihad <em>difā</em>’ dapat dilakukan bagi yang tidak memenuhi syarat jihad <em>qitāl</em>. Perbedaan perilaku jihad terjadi karena perbedaan faktor yang melingkupinya, yakni faktor sosial, ekonomi, politik, psikologi dan lainnya. Perubahan perilaku jihad (<em>qitāl</em>) menjadi <em>difā</em>’ terjadi karena proses memanusiakan manusia yang dilakukan dengan: 1) pendekatan personil yang dilakukan oleh orang yang dekat secara moril; 2) pendekatan berbasis kebutuhan primer mereka baik ekonomi, eksistensi ataupun rasa aman; 3) pendekatan agama dilakukan dengan memahami apa yang mereka lakukan adalah dalam rangka melakukan Islam secara kaffah; 4) pendekatan emosional dengan memberi perhatian atau empati; 5) pendekatan sosial dengan membangun solidaritas untuk membantu teman-teman seperjuangannya.
The Indonesian state has legal provisions of religious freedom contained in the constitution and its derivatives legislation. This article aims to discuss religious freedom in Indonesian legislation from the perspective of maqāṣid hifẓ al-dīn. This study is the result of qualitative research using a content analysis approach. From the results of the discussion, it is known that the freedom of religion in Indonesian legislation includes freedoms to choose belief (Belief in One Supreme God), to worship, and to express religion. These provisions are in line with hurriyyah al-'i'tiqād Ibn 'Āsyūr and al-ḥurriyyah fī al-dīn al-Zuhailī regarding freedom of worship but are not in accordance with al-Zuhaili's opinion about freedom of belief, an area of personal choice when one may choose to be religious or not. The contradiction occurs because all Indonesian citizens must believe in One and Only God as the first precept of Pancasila and make six religions as religions recognized by the State as contained in Presidential Decree No. 1/1965 (PNPS Act). Therefore, it is necessary to reconstruct the law and values of religious freedom contained in the PNPS Act, especially in its implementation.
The high number of child marriages during the Covid-19 pandemic period poses problems related to the Islamic legal system in Indonesia. This study aims to describe the problems of the Islamic legal system regarding the phenomenon of child marriages during the pandemic period in Indonesia. This paper is the result of a qualitative research with a socio-legal analysis approach, that is based on Friedman Hayden's legal system theory. The results of the study show that there are three substantial problems with the Islamic legal system, namely: (1) the problem associated with the legal substance where the Marriage Law stipulates the age of a bride to increase from 16 to 19-year-old as contained in article 7 paragraph (1) of the Marriage Law number 16 of 2019, while at the same time it enables child marriages to be carried out through a marital dispensation request, it acknowledges marital vows (ithbat), and there is an absence of legal sanctions for violating the Marriage Law; (2) the problem related to the legal structure of child marriages that is rooted in the formation, enforcement, and development of child marriage law; and (3) the problem of legal culture in relation to the legal behavior of child marriage, unregistered marriages (sirri) for minors, and the lack of social arrangements to promote the culture of marriage at a mature age. Therefore, this paper offers a reconstruction of the Islamic legal system in terms of legal substance, legal structure, and legal culture to minimize child marriage practices in Indonesia.
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