As rising numbers of national governments promote economic nationalist policies and the withdrawal from (or renegotiation of) global political and economic relationships, the impossibility of disconnecting from global circulations is illustrated by the traveling discourse of economic nationalism itself, although conceptualized and implemented quite differently as refracted through specific historical and political contexts. Drawing on the possibilities of world anthropologies, the authors build connected analyses of the lived effects and contradictions of economic nationalist policies through their ethnographic examples from Brazil, India, Uganda, and the US. In comparatively analyzing these contexts, the authors emphasize the plural, transhistorical, transnational, gendered, and contested nature of economic nationalist policies and discourses worldwide, pointing to the need for further empirical investigations into diverse understandings and political deployments of economic nationalist projects.
Mountains may be simultaneously viewed through multiple logics—sacred or secular, dead property to be commodified or living and powerful community members, for example—unless and until one of those logics is used to destroy them. We compare the way these logics figure in environmental justice movements in Odisha, India and the Appalachian region of the United States. In the first example, mountains—considered sacred and alive—have served as partners in a successful movement by Dongaria Kondh women in Odisha to stop the destruction of the Niyamgiri hills through aluminium mining. In the second example, while there are competing logics that include views of mountains as sacred in the United States, a capitalist logic through which mountains are considered dead and without a role in acting on their own future has prevailed in extensive coal mining through the destructive method of mountaintop removal.
Neo liberalism under globalisation makes an all-around attack against state intervention and promotes privatisation. Contrary to it, rising consciousness for inclusion and protection of human rights demands ensuring opportunities to all by increasing access, equality and quality. Education is a basic human right. But inclusive education in India is still a myth. Odisha , a constituent state of Indian federalism and housing 62 tribes has witnessed its limitations in universalising education at a micro level, particularly in the interior physically delinked tribal areas. Under such a situation, the non state actors have come forward to substitute and to supplement the state action. The present paper by adopting an exploratory design and resorting to qualitative method has tried to document the empirical experiences gained from the field on the effective innovations launched by a CSO. The objective of the paper is to indicate the efficacy of non state actors through CSO induced innovations experimented in the sample schools under empirical study, its adaptation by the local milieu and impact on the indigenous right to education. The paper concludes that the non state actors have come up in a great way to fill up the vacuum created by the withdrawal of state and are going to play a significant role in the governance of the flagship programmes and giving a fillip to the constitutional mandates.
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