In this article we examine the effect of the recent economic crisis on political participation levels in Europe. As the civic voluntarism model and grievances theory predict different effects of economic downturn on political participation, the crisis provides us with a unique context to evaluate the explanatory power of these two theories. We find that, when investigating a period of eight years (2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008)(2009)(2010), economic growth is positively associated with non-institutionalised political participation, which is in line with the civic voluntarism model. However, when focusing on the changes in political participation that occurred between 2008 and 2010 we find that rising unemployment is associated with rising levels of non-institutionalised political participation, suggesting that grievance theory is especially useful in exceptionally negative conditions as suddenly imposed grievances can lead to various forms of protest behaviour. We argue that these shock experiences can lead to momentary peak periods of mobilisation.

Despite the strong theoretical expectations about the beneficial effect of direct democratic instruments on citizens' political support, the empirical evidence is scarce and inconsistent. We add to this literature by studying the effect of the use of a direct democratic process on citizens' political support and its underlying causal mechanism. Using a unique research design that combines a strong test of causality with a high level of ecological validity, we surveyed inhabitants of a Belgian neighborhood that held a local referendum and a comparison group (i.e. inhabitants of a comparable neighborhood without referendum) before and after the referendum (n=1,049). Using difference-indifferences analysis and first difference regression analysis, we show that in line with our expectations the increase in political support following the referendum is not driven by involvement or procedural fairness perceptions but by an increase in support levels among the winners of the decision. Moreover, despite the contested nature of the issue, losers' level of political support did not decrease significantly after the result of the referendum was announced.

Political parties are essential linkage mechanisms between citizens and the political system. We know less, however, about the question how this mechanism operates. While some authors assume it is sufficient that parties offer citizens ideological options about the way society should be governed, others indicate that parties provide strong ties to the political system by offering stable identities like party membership. In this analysis of the European Social Survey cumulative file (five waves, 2002-2010), we investigate the relation between party membership, closeness to a political party and trust in political institutions. While party membership is declining, its relation with political trust is limited. We do not find any indication that the decline of party membership could have a substantial effect on levels of political trust. Feeling close to a political party is more strongly related to political trust, even controlling for political interest. Results indicate that in most European societies levels of party closeness are stable. We conclude that political parties function as a linkage mechanism between citizens and the state, but that there is no reason to attribute a privileged role to formal party membership, as feeling close to a political party has a stronger linkage effect.

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This study investigates how protest attitudes and ideological considerations affected the 2019 election results in Belgium, and particularly the vote for the radical right-wing populist party Vlaams Belang (VB) and for the radical left-wing populist party Partij van de Arbeid-Parti du Travail de Belgique (PVDA-PTB). Our results confirm that both protest attitudes and ideological considerations play a role to distinguish radical populist voters from mainstream party voters in general. However, when opposed to their second-best choice, we show that particularly protest attitudes matter. Moreover, in comparing radical right-and left-wing populist voters, the paper disentangles the respective weight of these drivers on the two ends of the political spectrum. Being able to portray itself as an alternative to mainstream can give these parties an edge among a certain category of voters, albeit this position is also difficult to hold in the long-run.

Heme and its breakdown products CO, Fe, and bilirubin are being recognized as signaling molecules or even therapeutic agents, but also exert adverse effects when released at high concentrations. Manipulating the pathway confers protection in rodent sepsis models via both control of free heme and formation of its first and higher-order products. Thus, regulatory elements present in human heme oxygenase 1 (HMOX1) and biliverdin reductases (BLVRA/B) genes might impact outcome. We tested whether a highly polymorphic (GT)n microsatellite and single-nucleotide polymorphisms in HMOX1 and BLVRA/B genes are associated with outcome of sepsis. Two cohorts (n = 430 and 398 patients) with severe sepsis were screened for single-nucleotide polymorphisms and/or the microsatellite by fragment length analysis and genotyping techniques. Heme oxygenase 1 plasma levels were determined in additional patients with severe sepsis (n = 92) by enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay. Based on mean Sepsis-related Organ Failure Assessment scores, patients homozygous for rs2071746 A allele or medium length (GT)n microsatellites of HMOX1 showed higher 28-day mortality (P = 0.047 and P = 0.033) in one cohort compared with other genotypes, whereas 90-day mortality rates showed no association. The T allele was less frequently observed in both cohorts than would be expected according to Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium. Heme oxygenase 1 plasma levels were elevated in septic patients, independent of the genotype. Single-nucleotide polymorphisms within BLVRA/B showed no association with outcome. Short (GT)n repeats that are in linkage disequilibrium with the T allele of rs2071746 in HMOX1 are associated with favorable outcome, whereas no association with gene variants of BLVRA/B, involved in the generation of higher-order metabolites, was noticed.

In the last few decades, political parties in several Western countries have opened up the process of leadership selection to all party members. So far, research has mainly focused on the drivers of this development, taking into account both internal factors (reducing power of middle-level party elites) and external factors (increasing the party’s attractiveness). Only few studies have tested the effects of these external arguments. In this study, we investigate whether parties that select their leader inclusively (1) exhibit higher levels of trustworthiness, and are more appealing to (2) voters and (3) potential members. Based on the procedural fairness argument, we expect a positive effect of inclusive procedures. We conduct a vignette experiment with fictional parties and find that inclusive selection procedures do not strengthen citizens’ perceptions of trustworthiness. Moreover, citizens are not more willing to vote or join parties with inclusive selection procedures.