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In order to promote health, nurses and other health care professionals need to discover and articulate the meaning that is implicit in experiencing life after liver transplantation. From such an understanding, appropriate nursing interventions can be based. The aim of this study was to investigate the subjective experiences of the meaning of having a liver transplant, 1 year after the transplantation. After approval from the ethics committee at Goteborg University, 12 patients, nine women and three men, were interviewed. The study sample was chosen strategically to represent common diagnoses preceding liver transplantation. A phenomenological approach was chosen for the study. Analyses of the interviews were based on a modified version of a phenomenological method by Karlsson. Seven categories emerged: facing the inevitable; recapturing the body; emotional chaos; leaving the experts; family and friends; the threat of graft rejection; and honouring the donor. Having undergone a liver transplant meant living in a paradoxical situation. Knowing that you survived, it was a struggle to regain physical strength under great emotional stress. The recipients had to self-administer life-long medication, recognize symptoms indicating a potential problem and monitor for the possibility of graft rejection. Social support was essential for recovery. Meeting others with the same experience helped liver-transplanted patients to deal with their identity crises as well as undergo a transformation from being utterly unique to a survivor among others. The clinical implications from this study are that interventions, such as patient education, and social and mental support, are important tools to optimize both self-care capacity and the ability to maintain a healthy perception of identity after having a liver transplant at least up to 12 months post-transplant.

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The aim of this study was an in-depth investigation of the change process experienced by patients undergoing bariatric surgery. A prospective interview study was performed prior to as well as 1 and 2 years after surgery. Data analyses of the transcribed interviews were performed by means of the Grounded Theory method. A core category was identified: Wishing for deburdening through a sustainable control over eating and weight, comprising three related categories: hoping for deburdening and control through surgery, feeling deburdened and practising control through physical restriction, and feeling deburdened and trying to maintain control by own willpower. Before surgery, the participants experienced little or no control in relation to food and eating and hoped that the bariatric procedure would be the first brick in the building of a foundation that would lead to control in this area. The control thus achieved in turn affected the participants' relationship to themselves, their roles in society, and the family as well as to health care. One year after surgery they reported established routines regarding eating as well as higher self-esteem due to weight loss. In family and society they set limits and in relation to health care staff they felt their concern and reported satisfaction with the surgery. After 2 years, fear of weight gain resurfaced and their self-image was modified to be more realistic. They were no longer totally self-confident about their condition, but realised that maintaining control was a matter of struggle to obtaining a foundation of sustainable control. Between 1 and 2 years after surgery, the physical control mechanism over eating habits started to more or less fade for all participants. An implication is that when this occurs, health care professionals need to provide interventions that help to maintain the weight loss in order to achieve a good long-term outcome.