Ordinal-level measures are very common in social science research. Researchers often analyze ordinal dependent variables using the proportional odds logistic regression model. However, this ‘‘traditional’’ method is one of many different types of logistic regression models available for the analysis of ordered response variables. In this article, the author identifies 12 distinct models that rely on logistic regression and fit within a framework of three major approaches with variations within each approach based on the application of the proportional odds assumption. This typology provides a degree of conceptual clarity that is missing in the extant literature on logistic regression models for ordinal outcomes. The author illustrates the similarities and differences among the different models with examples from the General Social Survey and the American National Election Study.

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Despite its centrality to contemporary inequality, working poverty is often popularly discussed but rarely studied by sociologists. Using the Luxembourg Income Study (2009), we analyze whether an individual is working poor across 18 affluent democracies circa 2000. We demonstrate that working poverty does not simply mirror overall poverty and that there is greater cross-national variation in working than overall poverty. We then examine four explanations for working poverty: demographic characteristics, economic performance, unified theory, and welfare generosity. We utilize Heckman probit models to jointly model the likelihood of employment and poverty among the employed. Our analyses provide the least support for the economic performance explanation. There is modest support for unified theory as unionization reduces working poverty in some models. However, most of these effects appear to be mediated by welfare generosity. More substantial evidence exists for the demographic characteristics and welfare generosity explanations. An individual's likelihood of being working poor can be explained by (a) a lack of multiple earners or other adults in one's household, low education, single motherhood, having children and youth; and (b) the generosity of the welfare state in which he or she resides. Also, welfare generosity does not undermine employment and reduces working poverty even among demographically vulnerable groups. Ultimately, we encourage a greater role for the welfare state in debates about working poverty.

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Some argue that we are experiencing a global shift toward a "social movement society" in which protest is a routine part of political bargaining. Postindustrialism and affluence are seen as combining with the growth of the state and neocorporatist bargaining in creating greater protest potential. We use a multilevel analysis of 41,235 respondents nested within thirty-five countries from the 1990 World Values Survey to examine this question. Net of standard controls for individual-level sources of protest potential, we find that economic affluence, state capacity, women as a percentage of the total labor force, and left corporatism contribute to greater aggregate protest potential. Ethnic grievances stemming from economic discrimination and percentage of Protestants also contribute positively while language dominance suppresses protest potential. Protest potential is an outgrowth of postindustrialism trends, the prevailing control strategy of left parties in neocorporatist states, and long-standing ethnic grievances.Discussions of contemporary protest have been dominated by microanalyses of the resources, networks, and political attitudes that contribute to protest (e.While useful, these arguments leave unaddressed the larger macropolitical and social structural contexts that lie behind the growth and mobilization of protest. Some of these studies (e.g., Crozat 1998; Ingelhart 1990) use individual-level analyses to make claims about the changing macrodeterminants of protest, a technique that fails to distinguish and separately control for individual and structural factors. Protest and the development of a "social movement society" (Meyer and Tarrow 1998) are by many accounts rooted in changes in the social structures, institutions, and political processes of contemporary societies. Arguably, they are also connected to idiosyncratic, but durable, differences among countries in political culture and sociohistorical trajectories.We address the macrodeterminants of protest by using a multilevel (or hierarchical linear model [HLM]) analysis of the protest potential measures provided in the 1990 wave of the World Values Survey. Protest potential gages the willingness of political actors to resort to unconventional forms of political action (e.g., strikes, boycotts, violence, etc.) as a means of achieving their goals. While willingness to engage in such actions does not equate with actual participation, several studies have demonstrated a strong correlation between protest potential and actual protest actions (Barnes and Kaase 1979;Crozat 1998;Jenkins and Wallace 1996;Marsh 1977;Wallace and Jenkins 1995). Although the incidence of protest participation is often contingent on contextual circumstances (e.g., immediate grievances, cooptable networks, counteractions by opponents, police actions, etc.), protest potential provides a broad and reliable societal measure of the likelihood of protest. Dalton and van Sickle (2005) show that aggregate World Values Survey measures of protest correlate positively (r = 0.51) with news-...

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