The article scrutinizes the problem of understanding and presenting the ethnocultural identity of the indigenous peoples in the works of art. The authors describe the features of the image visualization regarding the indigenous peoples of the North in the works of artists of the Krasnoyarsk Krai. For this purpose there was made a thorough analysis of the most representative works in painting and graphics, namely, Konstantin Voynov’s painting “The Madonna Beyond the Polar Circle” (2009), Andrei Lekarenko’s painting “The Girl from Taimyr” (1959) and Valery Kudrinsky’s picture “The Northgirl” (1985). The analysis was based on the constructivist approach to identity and the principles of the modern theory of the fine arts stated by V. I. Zhukovsky and N. P. Koptseva. As a result, the researchers identified 1) three key stages of the Krasnoyarsk artists’ interest in painting the indigenous peoples of the North (starting from the beginning of the 20th century and ending at the beginning of the 21st century); 2) two main approaches to depicting the lifestyle of the indigenous peoples of the North (documentary-ethnographic and philosophical ones)
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According to Michael Walzer, the role morality that governs political actors requires that they be prepared to risk getting 'dirty hands': they should take an action where that is necessary to the achievement of the political goals to which they are committed, even when doing so is nevertheless morally wrong. Walzer implies that the demands of this role morality apply with equal force to all political agents. In this paper I argue against that implication, particularly in relation to political officials -so-called 'professional politicians'.Though politicians are in some ways sui generis, there is enough commonality between them and professional groups for an account of professional ethics to illuminate the political role. In general, roles are teleologically defined, and role morality determined in reference to that end. In the case of both politicians and professionals, the end they serve is the provision of important needs. In order to achieve this end they must be granted an area of executive discretion and be embedded in, committed to and participate in the right kind of institutional framework (in the case of politicians, the state), within which they occupy offices that can be specified independently of the individuals who happen to occupy them.Ultimately, professional politicians qua office holders are obliged to act in ways that contribute to the strength and effectiveness of the state, though in a liberal democratic state, at least, this is compatible with a good deal of political partisanship. Far from it being the case that good faith requires the political actor to do what is necessary to achieve the political goals to which they are personally committed, as Walzer implies; where such action conflicts with the obligations of office, the role morality of the professional politician forbids it. On this approach to political role morality, institutional design is of fundamental importance. A political system needs to be structured so that it at the same time regulates access to political office, constrains the actions of those who possess such office, and provides them with the discretionary power that is needed to deal with the contingencies they will face. The abuse of such discretionary power is a standing temptation to politicians, and appears to be licensed by Walzerian appeals to the necessity to be prepared to get one's hands dirty. It is a temptation that, nevertheless, professional politicians should be alert to, and resist.
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