Copyright and reuse:Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University.Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available.Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way.Article accepted for publication in Journal of Experimental Psychology: General. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/xge0000175 © American Psychological Association (APA) This article may not exactly replicate the authoritative document published in the APA journal. It is not the copy of record. contrast between independence and interdependence does not adequately capture the diverse models of selfhood that prevail in different world regions. Cultural groups emphasize different ways of being both independent and interdependent, depending on individualism-collectivism, national socioeconomic development, and religious heritage. Our seven-dimensional model will allow future researchers to test more accurately the implications of cultural models of selfhood for psychological processes in diverse ecocultural contexts.Keywords: CULTURE; SELF-CONSTRUALS; INDEPENDENCE-INTERDEPENDENCE Twenty-five years ago, Markus and Kitayama (1991) published their classic article on culture and the self, proposing that people in different parts of the world tend to construe themselves in two fundamentally different ways. They argued that Western cultures are unusual in promoting an independent view of the self as bounded, unitary, stable, and separate from the social context, whereas cultures in other parts of the world emphasize an interdependent view of the self as closely connected to others, fluid, and contextually embedded. They proposed that people with independent self-construals would strive for self-expression, uniqueness, and self-actualization, basing their actions on personal thoughts, feelings, and goals. In contrast, people with interdependent self-construals would strive to fit in and maintain social harmony, basing their actions on situationally defined norms and expectations.Markus and Kitayama's (1991) proposals had a dramatic impact on social, personality and developmental psychology, challenging ethnocentric assumptions, drawing attention to cultural diversity, and providing conceptual tools for theorizing about it. Social and personality psychologists used measures and manipulations of self-construals to predict numerous outcomes: cognitive styles, well-being, self-regulation, selfesteem, communication styles, social anxiety, and pro...

Societal inequality has been found to harm the mental and physical health of its members and undermine overall social cohesion. Here, we tested the hypothesis that economic inequality is associated with a wish for a strong leader in a study involving 28 countries from five continents (Study 1, N = 6,112), a study involving an Australian community sample (Study 2, N = 515), and two experiments (Study 3a, N = 96; Study 3b, N = 296). We found correlational (Studies 1 and 2) and experimental (Studies 3a and 3b) evidence for our prediction that higher inequality enhances the wish for a strong leader. We also found that this relationship is mediated by perceptions of anomie, except in the case of objective inequality in Study 1. This suggests that societal inequality enhances the perception that society is breaking down (anomie) and that a strong leader is needed to restore order (even when that leader is willing to challenge democratic values).

Sociologists coined the term “anomie” to describe societies that are characterized by disintegration and deregulation. Extending beyond conceptualizations of anomie that conflate the measurements of anomie as ‘a state of society’ and as a ‘state of mind’, we disentangle these conceptualizations and develop an analysis and measure of this phenomenon focusing on anomie as a perception of the ‘state of society’. We propose that anomie encompasses two dimensions: a perceived breakdown in social fabric (i.e., disintegration as lack of trust and erosion of moral standards) and a perceived breakdown in leadership (i.e., deregulation as lack of legitimacy and effectiveness of leadership). Across six studies we present evidence for the validity of the new measure, the Perception of Anomie Scale (PAS). Studies 1a and 1b provide evidence for the proposed factor structure and internal consistency of PAS. Studies 2a-c provide evidence of convergent and discriminant validity. Finally, assessing PAS in 28 countries, we show that PAS correlates with national indicators of societal functioning and that PAS predicts national identification and well-being (Studies 3a & 3b). The broader implications of the anomie construct for the study of group processes are discussed.

Beliefs about personhood are understood to be a defining feature of individualism-collectivism (I-C), but they have been insufficiently explored, given the emphasis of research on values and self-construals. We propose the construct of contextualism, referring to beliefs about the importance of context in understanding people, as a facet of cultural collectivism. A brief measure was developed and refined across 19 nations (Study 1: N = 5,241), showing good psychometric properties for cross-cultural use and correlating well at the nation level with other supposed facets and indicators of I-C. In Study 2 (N = 8,652), nation-level contextualism predicted ingroup favoritism, corruption, and differential trust of ingroup and outgroup members, while controlling for other facets of I-C, across 35 nations. We conclude that contextualism is an important part of cultural collectivism. This highlights the importance of beliefs alongside values and selfrepresentations and contributes to a wider understanding of cultural processes.

The motive to attain a distinctive identity is sometimes thought to be stronger in, or even specific to, those socialized into individualistic cultures. Using data from 4,751 participants in 21 cultural groups (18 nations and 3 regions), we tested this prediction against our alternative view that culture would moderate the ways in which people achieve feelings of distinctiveness, rather than influence the strength of their motivation to do so. We measured the distinctiveness motive using an indirect technique to avoid cultural response biases. Analyses showed that the distinctiveness motive was not weaker-and, if anything, was stronger-in more collectivistic nations. However, individualism-collectivism was found to moderate the ways in which feelings of distinctiveness were constructed: Distinctiveness was associated more closely with difference and separateness in more individualistic cultures and was associated more closely with social position in more collectivistic cultures. Multilevel analysis confirmed that it is the prevailing beliefs and values in an individual's context, rather than the individual's own beliefs and values, that account for these differences.

Abstract. Collective nostalgia for the good old days of the country thrives across the world. However, little is known about the social psychological dynamics of this collective emotion across cultures. We predicted that collective nostalgia is triggered by collective angst as it helps people to restore a sense of in-group continuity via stronger in-group belonging and out-group rejection (in the form of opposition to immigrants). Based on a sample (N = 5,956) of individuals across 27 countries, the general pattern of results revealed that collective angst predicts collective nostalgia, which subsequently relates to stronger feelings of in-group continuity via in-group belonging (but not via out-group rejection). Collective nostalgia generally predicted opposition to immigrants, but this was subsequently not related to in-group continuity.

RESUMO -Este trabalho analisa as relações entre o preconceito contra os homossexuais e as representações sociais sobre a homossexualidade. Trata-se de um estudo correlacional com 374 estudantes de teologia (207 evangélicos e 167 católicos) que responderam um questionário sobre crenças e atitudes em relação aos homossexuais. Os resultados indicam duas formas de expressão do preconceito: sutil e flagrante. O preconceito sutil está relacionado com a crença numa natureza biológica e psicossocial e com a descrença numa representação ético-moral da homossexualidade. O preconceito flagrante está relacionado com a descrença na natureza biológica e psicossocial e com uma representação ético-moral. A hipótese de que as representações sociais sobre a natureza dos grupos minoritários estão na base do preconceito e da discriminação é corroborada.Palavras-Chave: Preconceito; homofobia; representações sociais Prejudice against Homosexuals and Social Representations of Homosexuality of Catholic and Evangelic SeminariansABSTRACT -This study analyzes the relationship between prejudice against homosexuals and social representations about homosexuality. Participants were 374 theology students (167 catholic and 207 evangelic) who individually answered a questionnaire about beliefs and attitudes toward homosexuals. Results allowed to identify two forms of prejudice: Subtle and blatant. The subtle prejudice is related to biological and psychosocial representations about homosexuality and to the disbelief in an ethical and moral nature of homosexuality. The blatant prejudice is related with the disbelief in a biological and psychosocial nature as well as with ethical and moral representations about homosexuality. In the discussion it is argued that social representations about the nature of minority groups can form the basis of prejudice and discrimination.Keywords: prejudice; homophobia; social representations Os resultados apresentados por diversas linhas de pesquisa têm mostrado que a manifestação explícita do preconceito tem diminuído nas últimas décadas (e.g., Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986;Katz & Hass, 1988;McConahay, Hardee & Batts, 1981;Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995;Sears & Henry, 2003). Contudo, empiricamente também se evidencia que essa redução se verifica apenas em relação aos grupos sociais protegidos pela norma do anti-preconceito (e.g., Crandall, Eshleman & O'Brien, 2002). De fato, contra grupos que não estão protegidos por essas normas, a manifestação flagrante ainda persiste com grande intensidade (e.g., Deschamps, Vala, Marinho, Lopes & Cabecinhas, 2005;Pereira, Vala & Leyens, 2009;Vala, Lopes, Lima & Brito, 2002), como o preconceito contra homossexuais (e.g., Frank & McEneaney, 1999;Lacerda, Pereira & Camino, 2002;Melton, 1989). Ainda que exista uma representação social amplamente compartilhada de que "todos devem ter direitos iguais perante a Lei", no que se refere às minorias sexuais, a aplicação desse princípio parece ser mais complexa, como têm revelado as investigações sobre o preconceito contra os homossexuais (e.g., Cra...

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