There is evidence suggesting that watching movies usually provokes an emotional response in the audience that may differ according to the type of film viewed. For example, Grodal (2009) argues that the type of response provoked by mainstream cinema is different from that elicited by avant-garde films. 1 In visually impaired audiences, the emotional impact of films is inevitably mediated by the Audio Description (AD) provided. In most countries AD norms do not cater for variations between different types of films. There exists, therefore, the possibility that the emotional impact of the film could be affected or altered by the AD. This paper aims to explore possible differences in the response of sighted versus unsighted audiences when watching avant-garde and narrative films. A pilot study is designed to measure the emotional response through self-response questionnaires. Our results indicate that differences between both types of audience are more prominent for avant-garde films.
Audio description remains the cornerstone of accessibility for visually impaired audiences to all sorts of audiovisual content, including porn. Existing work points to the efficacy of audio description to guarantee immersion and emotional engagement, but evidence on its role in sexual arousal and engagement in porn is still scant. The present study takes on this challenge by comparing sighted and visually impaired participants’ experiences with porn in terms of their physiological response [i.e., cortisol and heart rate (HR)] and self-report measures of affect [Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS); Watson et al., 1988], anxiety [State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (STAI); Spielberger et al., 1970], sexual reactivity and arousal [Sexual Inhibition/Sexual Excitation Scale (SIS/SES); Moyano and Sierra (2014); and the Ratings of Sexual Arousal (RSA); Mosher (2011)], and narrative engagement or transportation [The Transport Narrative Questionnaire, Green and Brock (2013)]. 69 Spanish participants were allocated into three different groups: 25 sighted participants who watched and heard the porn scenes in their audio-visual version (AV); 22 sighted participants who listened to the audio described version without images (AD); and 22 visually impaired participants who also listened to the audio described version without images (ONCE). Overall, results on physiological and self-report measures revealed no significant differences between groups or different versions of the clips. The analysis of cortisol reactivity to porn as the maximum increase or decrease in cortisol (t+12) with respect to baseline values (t−20) revealed no significant differences between the groups, but pointed to a higher percentage of non-responders than responders in the three groups, the highest being found in the ONCE group. As for participants’ cardiac response to the clips, no significant differences were found across the groups, with the highest HR levels being registered in the baseline phase. Self-report measures revealed significant between-group differences in negative affect. The ONCE group displayed the highest pre-task levels of negative affect and was the only group that showed a decrease in negative affect after exposure to the clips. Sighted and visually impaired participants reported to be moderately aroused and immersed in the films, regardless of exposure to AV or AD porn. In addition, correlations found between participants’ levels of self-report sexual arousal and transportation and post-task affect pointed to a positive relationship between exposure to porn and perceived levels of sexual arousal and affect. Results from the study reflected the efficacy of audio description in providing sighted and visually impaired audiences with a similar experience to that offered by original AV porn scenes. This study is exploratory but provides valid, initial groundwork for further research on the impact of audio description on porn reception.
This study deals with the use of Frame Semantics for lexical translation, particularly for the elaboration of bilingual dictionaries. To this purpose, we took Fillmore and Atkins's analysis of the word "risk" as the starting point for our paper. We analyzed the entries of RISK offered by three major English-Spanish/Spanish-English bilingual dictionaries in order to locate possible points of confusion, and found three main obscure points: a) We firstly realised that the distinction between the lexical items provided as the Spanish equivalents of risk was not clear. b) Secondly, we discovered that the use of the reflexive or non-reflexive form of the equivalents provided was not clear either. c) And thirdly, there was also some confusion regarding the syntactic complementation of the lexical entries in Spanish.We then set out to check whether Fillmore and Atkins' frame could help to translate risk in a more systematic and functional way. Our analysis showed that the three conceptual schemas distinguished by Fillmore and Atkins helped clarify these three problems. Thus, the greater explanatory capacity of Frame Semantics when compared to traditional lexicography methods is shown. Building the frame that underlies the meaning of a word can contribute to increase not only the functional capacity of dictionaries but also the translator's ability to account for those uses which do not appear in a dictionary.RésuméCet étude porte sur l'emploi de Frame Semantics dans la traduction lexicale, surtout dans l'élaboration des dictionnaires bilingues. Dans ce but, on a utilisé l'analyse du mot "risk" faite par Fillmore et Atkins comme notre point de départ. Après avoir analysé des définitions de "risk" trouvées dans trois dictionnaires bilingues importants (ang-esp/esp-ang) pour chercher de points de confusion possibles, nous avons rencontré trois points obscurs principaux.a) Nous avons constaté que la différence entre les termes lexicaux présentés comme équivalents de "risk" en espagnol n'était pas nette.b) Nous avons découvert que l'emploi de la forme réflexive, ou non réflexive, des équivalents presentés manquait tout autant de netteté.c) Il existait une certaine confusion quant à la complémentarité syntactique des définitions lexicales en espagnol.Alors on s'est mis à vérifier si le schema de Fillmore et Atkins pouvait aider à traduire "risk" d'une façon plus systématique et fonctionnelle. Notre analyse montre que les trois schemas conceptuels distingués par Fillmore et Atkins aident à clarifier ces trois problèmes. Ce qui démontre que la valeur explicative de Frame Semantics est meilleure que celle du méthodes de la lexicographie traditionnelle.La construction du schema sous-jacent au sens d'un mot peut contribuer à augmenter non seulement la capacité fonctionnelle des dictionnaires, mais aussi l'aptitude du traducteur à expliquer les emplois du mot qui n'apparaissent pas dans le dictionnaire.
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