This article sheds new light on deliberative dynamics at work in comitology.Starting from the findings of previous research on the frequency of consensus within the comitology committees of the EU in 2008, this article seeks to provide a measure of the intensity of opposition to the Commission's draft implementing proposals before and after the 2011 comitology reform. Applying this approach to data from the comitology register (2008)(2009)(2010)(2011)(2012)(2013), the article analyses the structure of contestation, proposes an index of opposition and tests the factors that may explain variations. Attention is paid to procedural choices and sociological arguments before and after the last reform of the comitology system. Our findings are fourfold. First, conflict with the Commission's positions, although weak, is not that rare during deliberations. Second, patterns of support and opposition are stable over time. Third, sharp cross-sectorial variations exist. Four, procedural choices matter for contestation. When member states have strong national preferences, they opt for more constraining procedures and will be less inclined to engage in consensual dynamics.
Résumé L’objectif de cet article consiste à mettre en lumière le rôle de la comitologie en tant que pièce à la fois clé et dénaturée de la coordination nationale des affaires européennes au niveau exécutif du processus décisionnel européen. Il s’agit de montrer la place fondamentale qu’occupe ce système dans l’écheveau institutionnel européen en tant que rempart de la souveraineté des États membres mais aussi sa perte de sens dans la pratique en raison d’une logique de fonctionnement décentralisée et marquée par le supranationalisme qui tend à éloigner ce chaînon administratif de l’épicentre politique national excepté dans les cas de désaccord majeur avec la Commission européenne.
Since its accession to the European Community (EC) in 1986, Spain has presided over the Council of the European Union (EU) on four occasions. The first presidency took place in 1989, only three years after its entry into the EC. The second term was in 1995, after the accession of Austria, Finland and Sweden to the EU. The third occurred in 2002, in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks against the United States. Last but not least, the country’s fourth presidency was in 2010, following the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. This article examines and compares these four Spanish experiences at the helm of the EU. It sheds light on constancy and change in terms of priorities, strategies and institutional constraints, both at the domestic and European levels, and demonstrates the extent to which the presidency is a lens through which the evolving nature of Spain’s commitment to European integration as a whole can be captured.
This chapter examines the different aspects of Spain’s adaptation to the European Union, and more specifically how Europe became a source of benefits and modernization for the country. Spain is the only country among all those which have joined the EU after 1958 whose political parties and citizenry were in full support of acccession. Europeanization has affected most policy areas, particularly economic and social policies in response to EU pressures during the financial crisis. The chapter first considers the pattern of Spain’s relations with the EU before discussing the overall assessment of its EU membership among public opinion and political parties. It then analyses the impact of EU membership on Spain’s political institutions and governance, judicial politics, and policy adaptation in areas such as the Common Agricultural Policy and environmental policy. The chapter concludes by exploring how Spain’s unconditional support for integration has become more conditional since the financial crisis.
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