Numerous studies have indicated that lower socioeconomic status (SES) is related to poor health, in terms of both morbidity and mortality. immortal,"''4(0"237) resulting in an artificially low Latino mortality rate.Although the salmon bias hypothesis has not been tested, some evidence suggests that it is plausible. One study'5 estimated return migration rates ofvarious foreign-born groups based on data from a program requiring immigrants to submit yearly address reports to the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Lower-and upper-bound return migration estimates (assuming a 50% and 100% response rate for filing address reports) ranged from 15.6% to 56.2% for Mexicans, 52.4% to 72.5% for South Americans, and 49.6% to 69.5% for Central Americans and Caribbean persons (excluding Cubans).Although return migration (both permanent and temporary) depends on specific community, economic, and social network factors, 1617 it can be substantial. As many as 75% of households in Mexican migrant towns engage in return migration from the United States.'8 Despite the methodologic shortcomings and the specificity of communities surveyed, these studies suggest that the salmon effect and healthy migrant hypothe-

Relative to non-Latino whites, Latinos in the United States have a lower socioeconomic status (SES) profile, but a lower all-cause mortality rate. Because lower SES is associated with poorer overall health, a great deal of controversy surrounds the Latino mortality paradox. We employed a secondary data analysis of the 1991 National Health Interview Survey to test the health behavior and acculturation hypotheses, which have been proposed to explain this paradox. These hypotheses posit that: (1) Latinos have more favorable health behaviors and risk factor profiles than non-Latino whites, and (2) Health behaviors and risk factors become more unfavorable with greater acculturation. Specific health behaviors and risk factors studied were: smoking, alcohol use, leisure-time exercise activity, and body mass index (BMI). Consistent with the health behaviors hypothesis, Latinos relative to non-Latino whites were less likely to smoke and drink alcohol, controlling for sociodemographic factors. Latinos, however, were less likely to engage in any exercise activity, and were more likely to have a high BMI compared with non-Latino whites, after controlling for age and SES. Results provided partial support for the acculturation hypothesis. After adjusting for age and SES, higher acculturation was associated with three unhealthy behaviors (a greater likelihood of high alcohol intake, current smoking, a high BMI), but improvement in a fourth (greater likelihood of recent exercise). Gender-specific analyses indicated that the observed differences between Latinos and non-Latino whites, as well as the effects of acculturation on health behaviors, varied across men and women. Results suggest that the health behaviors and acculturation hypotheses may help to at least partially explain the Latino mortality paradox. The mechanisms accounting for the relationship between acculturation and risky behaviors have yet to be identified.

Interest in studying the impact of acculturation on immigrant health has increased in tandem with the growth of the Latino population in the United States. Linear assimilation models continue to dominate public health research despite the availability of more complex acculturation theories that propose multidimensional frameworks, reciprocal interactions between the individual and the environment, and other acculturative processes among various Latino groups. Because linear and unidimensional assessments (e.g., nativity, length of stay in the United States, and language use) provide constricted measures of acculturation, the rare use of multidimensional acculturation measures and models has inhibited a more comprehensive understanding of the association between specific components of acculturation and particular health outcomes. A public health perspective that incorporates the roles of structural and cultural forces in acculturation may help identify mechanisms underlying links between acculturation and health among Latinos.

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This article provides an analysis of novel topics emerging in recent years in research on Latino immigrants, acculturation, and health. In the past ten years, the number of studies assessing new ways to conceptualize and understand how acculturation-related processes may influence health has grown. These new frameworks draw from integrative approaches testing new ground to acknowledge the fundamental role of context and policy. We classify the emerging body of evidence according to themes that we identify as promising directions—intrapersonal, interpersonal, social environmental, community, political, and global contexts, cross-cutting themes in life course and developmental approaches, and segmented assimilation—and discuss the challenges and opportunities each theme presents. This body of work, which considers acculturation in context, points to the emergence of a new wave of research that holds great promise in driving forward the study of Latino immigrants, acculturation, and health. We provide suggestions to further advance the ideologic and methodologic rigor of this new wave.