We propose a refined theory of basic individual values intended to provide greater heuristic and explanatory power than the original theory of 10 values (Schwartz, 1992). The refined theory more accurately expresses the central assumption of the original theory that research has largely ignored: Values form a circular motivational continuum. The theory defines and orders 19 values on the continuum based on their compatible and conflicting motivations, expression of self-protection vs. growth, and personal vs. social focus. We assess the theory with a new instrument in 15 samples from 10 countries (N=6059 basic values are organized into a coherent system that underlies and can help to explain individual decision-making, attitudes, and behavior. This coherent structure is arises from the social and psychological conflict or congruity between values that people experience when they make everyday decisions (Schwartz, 1992(Schwartz, , 2006a.The first and second columns of Table 1 list the ten basic values identified in the theory and their conceptual definitions. These values are likely to be universal because they are grounded in one or more of three universal requirements of human existence with which people must cope:needs of individuals as biological organisms, requisites of coordinated social interaction, and survival and welfare needs of groups. Each value is grounded in one or more of these three universal requirements of human existence (Schwartz, 1994). Table 1 about here 1 Google Scholar April 22, 2012 lists over 8200 citations to the three major articles that introduced the theory (Schwartz & Bilsky, 1987;Schwartz, 1992Schwartz, , 1994. which we separated the thought and action facets, revealed that the thought facet alone, and not the action facet, accounted for this association.Turning to security values, Schwartz's (1992) definition included two conceptual facets, personal security (safety for self) and societal security (stability and order in society). A study in Italy, Spain, and Germany separated these facets of security when predicting perceptions of the consequences of immigration (Vecchione, et al., in press). In a structural equation model, societal security strongly predicted perceptions that immigration has negative consequences in all three countries, whereas personal security did not predict at all. This revealed that the aspect of security values that led to perceiving immigration as threatening was concern for the impact of immigration on societal stability and order, not concern for one's personal safety.These examples illustrate the potential benefits of a refined theory that partitions the motivational continuum of values into a larger number of more narrowly defined, conceptually

No abstract

Based on ESS-7 data, this paper focuses on two attitudinal dimensions about public policies related to immigration: how many can come and who can come. In this context, the hypothesis concerning the bi-dimensionality of racism was supported and, as predicted, biological racism is more antinormative than cultural racism. Both biological and cultural racism predict opposition to immigration and adhesion to ethnicist criteria on the selection of immigrants. As hypothesised, the relationship between racism and opposition to immigration and adhesion to ethnicist criteria is mediated by threat perceptions. Specifically, symbolic and realistic threats mediate the effect of biological and cultural racism on opposition to immigration and on ethnicist criteria. The hypothesis that the mediation effects are moderated by the country's quality of democracy was supported, indicating that the mediation effects are stronger in countries with a higher quality of democracy. Results are discussed within the context of racism theories as a bi-dimensional concept and in the framework of the role of legitimation processes in social discrimination.

This paper analyzes the opposition to immigration, comparing the European Union as a whole and Portugal, United Kingdom, France and Germany. The first hypvothesis that was examined posits that the perception of economic, security and cultural threats are significant predictors of the orientation towards immigration. The second hypothesis states that racial prejudice is an important predictor of threat perception. Results show that, globally, attitudes towards immigration in EU are more close to openness than they are to closure. As predicted, cultural, economic and security threats are significantly associated with the opposition to immigration. These results are stable across compared countries. Moreover results show that in the EU as a whole political conservatism and racial prejudice are the main predictors of the perception of threat in the economic, security and cultural domains. These same results were obtained in France, Germany and United Kingdom. Except in the case of security threat, also in Portugal prejudice is an important predictor of threat perception. These results are discussed in the context of the immigration integration policies.

Immigration has been one of the most crucial global phenomena, changing the fabric of many societies, and a topic of substantial research. Much of this research has focused on how the host society views immigrants and immigration, or on the societal factors influencing the latter. The goal of this thematic issue is to present different studies focusing on various aspects of immigration from a perspective that has not been often viewed under the magnifying glass so far, but which is of major importance: looking at immigration from the immigrants’ point of view.