We propose a refined theory of basic individual values intended to provide greater heuristic and explanatory power than the original theory of 10 values (Schwartz, 1992). The refined theory more accurately expresses the central assumption of the original theory that research has largely ignored: Values form a circular motivational continuum. The theory defines and orders 19 values on the continuum based on their compatible and conflicting motivations, expression of self-protection vs. growth, and personal vs. social focus. We assess the theory with a new instrument in 15 samples from 10 countries (N=6059 basic values are organized into a coherent system that underlies and can help to explain individual decision-making, attitudes, and behavior. This coherent structure is arises from the social and psychological conflict or congruity between values that people experience when they make everyday decisions (Schwartz, 1992(Schwartz, , 2006a.The first and second columns of Table 1 list the ten basic values identified in the theory and their conceptual definitions. These values are likely to be universal because they are grounded in one or more of three universal requirements of human existence with which people must cope:needs of individuals as biological organisms, requisites of coordinated social interaction, and survival and welfare needs of groups. Each value is grounded in one or more of these three universal requirements of human existence (Schwartz, 1994). Table 1 about here 1 Google Scholar April 22, 2012 lists over 8200 citations to the three major articles that introduced the theory (Schwartz & Bilsky, 1987;Schwartz, 1992Schwartz, , 1994. which we separated the thought and action facets, revealed that the thought facet alone, and not the action facet, accounted for this association.Turning to security values, Schwartz's (1992) definition included two conceptual facets, personal security (safety for self) and societal security (stability and order in society). A study in Italy, Spain, and Germany separated these facets of security when predicting perceptions of the consequences of immigration (Vecchione, et al., in press). In a structural equation model, societal security strongly predicted perceptions that immigration has negative consequences in all three countries, whereas personal security did not predict at all. This revealed that the aspect of security values that led to perceiving immigration as threatening was concern for the impact of immigration on societal stability and order, not concern for one's personal safety.These examples illustrate the potential benefits of a refined theory that partitions the motivational continuum of values into a larger number of more narrowly defined, conceptually

Determining whether people in certain countries score differently in measurements of interest or whether concepts relate differently to each other across nations can indisputably assist in testing theories and advancing our sociological knowledge. However, meaningful comparisons of means or relationships between constructs within and across nations require equivalent measurements of these constructs. This is especially true for subjective attributes such as values, attitudes, opinions, or behavior. In this review, we first discuss the concept of cross-group measurement equivalence, look at possible sources of nonequivalence, and suggest ways to prevent it. Next, we examine the social science methodological literature for ways to empirically test for measurement equivalence. Finally, we consider what may be done when equivalence is not supported by the data and conclude with a review of recent developments that offer exciting directions and solutions for future research in cross-national measurement equivalence assessment.

Values are prominent in public discourse today. Theorists have long considered values central to understanding attitudes and behavior. The Schwartz (1992) theory of basic human values has promoted a revival of empirical research on values. The semi-annual European Social Survey (ESS) includes a new 21-item instrument to measure the importance of the ten basic values of the theory. Representative national samples in 20 countries responded to the instrument in 2002-3. We briefly describe the theory and the ESS instrument and assess its adequacy for measuring values across countries. Using multiple group confirmatory factor analyses, augmented with mean-structure information, we assess the configural and measurement (metric) invariance of the values-necessary conditions for equivalence of the meaning of constructs, and scalar invariance-a precondition for comparing value means across countries. Only if such equivalence is established can researchers make meaningful and clearly interpretable cross-national comparisons of value priorities and their correlates. The ESS values scale demonstrates configural and metric invariance, allowing researchers to use it to study relationships among values, attitudes, behavior and socio-demographic characteristics across countries. Comparing the mean importance of values across countries is possible only for subsets of countries where scalar invariance holds.

Panel studies, in which the same subjects are repeatedly observed at multiple time points, are among the most popular longitudinal designs in psychology. Meanwhile, there exists a wide range of different methods to analyze such data, with autoregressive and cross-lagged models being 2 of the most well known representatives. Unfortunately, in these models time is only considered implicitly, making it difficult to account for unequally spaced measurement occasions or to compare parameter estimates across studies that are based on different time intervals. Stochastic differential equations offer a solution to this problem by relating the discrete time model to its underlying model in continuous time. It is the goal of the present article to introduce this approach to a broader psychological audience. A step-by-step review of the relationship between discrete and continuous time modeling is provided, and we demonstrate how continuous time parameters can be obtained via structural equation modeling. An empirical example on the relationship between authoritarianism and anomia is used to illustrate the approach. Person to ContactCorrespondence concerning this article should be addressed to Manuel C. Voelkle, anomia is used to illustrate the approach.

This study used basic personal values to elucidate the motivational meanings of 'left' and 'right' political orientations in 20 representative national samples from the European Social Survey . It also compared the importance of personal values and socio-demographic variables as determinants of political orientation. Hypotheses drew on the different histories, prevailing culture, and socio-economic level of 3 sets of countries-liberal, traditional and post-communist. As hypothesized, universalism and benevolence values explained a left orientation in both liberal and traditional countries and conformity and tradition values explained a right orientation; values had little explanatory power in post-communist countries. Values predicted political orientation more strongly than socio-demographic variables in liberal countries, more weakly in post-communist countries, and about equally in traditional countries. 2 Personal values appear increasingly central to political orientations (Caprara & Zimbardo, 2004;Feldman, 1988;Franklin, Mackie & Valen, 1992). People use personal values to organize and prioritize their beliefs and feelings regarding political issues, to make and justify political decisions, and to communicate about politics (Caprara, et al., 2006;Feldman, 2003;Schwartz, Caprara, & Vecchione, 2010;Sniderman, Brody & Tetlock, 1991).Numerous scholars see values as the building blocks or principles underlying political ideologies (e.g., Converse, 1964;Feldman, 1988;Rokeach, 1973;Schwartz et al., 2010) Basic Personal ValuesStudies in political science and political psychology typically refer to core political values (e.g., egalitarianism, civil liberties, limited government) that underlie specific attitudes, preferences, and evaluations in the sphere of politics (e.g., Feldman, 1988). Such values relate to particular political contexts. Schwartz, et al. (2010) Power: social status and prestige, control or dominance over people and resources.Achievement: personal success through demonstrating competence according to social standards.Hedonism: pleasure and sensuous gratification for oneself.Stimulation: excitement, novelty, and challenge in life.Self-direction: independent thought and action-choosing, creating, exploring. 4Universalism: understanding, appreciation, tolerance, and protection for the welfare of all people and for nature.Benevolence: preservation and enhancement of the welfare of people with whom one is in frequent personal contact.Tradition: respect, commitment and acceptance of the customs and ideas that traditional culture or religion provide the self.Conformity: restraint of actions, inclinations, and impulses likely to upset or harm others and violate social expectations or norms.Security: safety, harmony, and stability of society, of relationships, and of self.The theory further specifies a structure of dynamic relations among the ten values.

In this article, we estimate and compare the effects of two value dimensions taken from the theory of basic human values-namely, self-transcendence and conservation-on attitudes toward immigration in 19 countries. Data from the first wave (2002-03) of the European Social Survey (ESS) is utilized for the analyses. This cross-national survey measures basic human values with a new 21-item instrument. Attitudes toward immigration are operationalized using two dimensions: willingness to allow immigrants into the country and rejection of conditions to allow them. Effects of the value dimensions on immigration attitudes are compared across 19 nations using multiple-group multiple-indicators structural equation modelling (MGSEM). We hypothesize that these effects are equal across countries. The critical statistical legitimacy for comparing these effects across countries is discussed in detail, and partial measurement invariance is evidenced. The MGSEM provides strong support for our hypotheses in 17 countries: self-transcendence displays a positive effect on support for immigration, and conservation a negative effect. This result is robust also after accounting for several individual and contextual variables. Effects are found to differ a little across countries. It is shown that clusters of countries with equal effect sizes can be distinguished, and possible explanations for effect size differences are discussed.

Studies on national identity differentiate between nationalistic attitudes and constructive patriotism (CP) as two more specific expressions of national identity and as theoretically two distinct concepts. After a brief discussion of the theoretical literature, the following questions are examined: (1) Can nationalism and CP be empirically identified as two distinct concepts?; (2) Is their meaning fully or partially invariant across countries?; and (3) Is it possible to compare their means across countries? Data from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) 2003 National Identity Module are utilized to answer these questions in a sample of 34 countries. Items to measure nationalism and CP are chosen based on the literature, and a series of confirmatory factor analyses to test for configural, measurement (metric), and scalar invariance are performed. Full or partial metric invariance is a necessary condition for equivalence of meaning across cultures and for a meaningful comparison of associations with other theoretical constructs. Scalar invariance is a necessary condition for comparison of means across countries. Findings reveal that nationalism and CP emerge as two distinct constructs. However, in some countries, some items that were intended to measure one construct also measure the other construct. Furthermore, configural and metric invariance are found across the full set of 34 countries. Consequently, researchers may now use the ISSP data to study relationships among nationalism, CP, and other theoretical constructs across these nations. However, the analysis did not support scalar invariance, making it problematic for comparing the means of nationalism and CP across countries.

Different types of prejudice are usually treated as separate constructs. We propose that they constitute a syndrome of group-focused enmity (GFE), that is, they are related to each other and share a common core that is strongly predicted by a generalized ideology of inequality. Furthermore, GFE components are supposed to have similar predictors and outcomes. An empirical test is presented using structural equation modeling on the syndrome, its causes, consequences, and structural stability over time. The study relies on three German cross-sectional probability samples (each N= 2,700) and a related panel study (2002, 2003, and 2004). The idea of a GFE syndrome is strongly supported. Future research is discussed, as well as alternative approaches of a common prejudice factor.