This research examines the inter-regional security cooperation between ASEAN and the EU with a specific focus on counterterrorism. The research methods are based on a comparison of regional counterterrorism governance between the two regions and a close reading of Plan of Actions for the enhancement of ASEAN-EU relations documents from 2007 to 2018. The results show that CT cooperation is about facilitating a more comprehensive security governance cooperation where European standards and experience are transferred to Southeast Asia for purposes of regional security and diplomatic relations. In addition, this research also shows that EU-ASEAN CT cooperation has not been geared specifically to combat radicalism, or as part of a Counter Violent Extremism program; rather, the inter-regional cooperation has mainly focused on building a common normative framework in responding to terrorism within the corridor of democracy and preempting the terrorist networks from exploiting connectivity networks. Finally, implementation of security and political cooperation between the EU and ASEAN tend to rely on the existing extra-regional dialogue fora within ASEAN as well as direct engagement between the EU and third parties comprising each of the ASEAN states.
Indonesia's response to the problem of foreign terrorist fighters has changed from time to time. From the New Order era until the beginning of the reform period, tolerant attitude was applied. However, in the reform era, Indonesia's response changed from a humanitarian-based to prudence-based attitude. This article applies the theoretical mapping of counter-terrorism by David Crelinsten and explains that this change is not only due to perceptions of the potential threat of combatants returning to their homeland, but also the readiness of social reintegration and de-radicalization programs, adherence to international regimes, and domestic political processes. In addition to getting data on the dynamics and number of Indonesian combatants from mass media and journal articles, this article also processes data derived from proceedings of the revision of the anti-terrorism law passed in 2018. Indonesia's attitude towards the current problem of transnational terrorist-combatants is high selectivity, not total rejection or revocation of citizenship. Successful social reintegration for former combatants --domestic and transnational -remains a challenge to be addressed ahead.
Both ASEAN and China used the concept of Non-Traditional Security (NTS) in order to pursue security diplomacy in the Asia Pacific. For ASEAN, NTS is an area of security cooperation that allows it to drive the agenda of security architectures involving extra-regional powers such as the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting Plus (ADMM+) and ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). For China, NTS policy agenda allows it to gain acceptance among ASEAN member-states and an active role in the security agenda of ASEAN-led security architectures. The question that this article is pursuing is to what extent has ASEAN-China cooperation on NTS balanced between addressing the humanitarian aspect and the political objectives of security? This question is derived from the conceptual origin of NTS that stands on the importance of both the state and the individuals as the referent subjects of security. This article argues that ASEAN-China NTS cooperation emphasized more towards the strengthening of state’s capacity to deal with non-state actors’ transnational criminal activities, either for profit-seeking or subversive purposes. It is also apparent from evaluating the Memorandum of Understandings and Plans of Action between ASEAN and China that NTS cooperation is one China’s investments to engage a closer cooperation with ASEAN as well as a stronger presence in Southeast Asia’s strategic environment.
Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang pengaruh dari perhatian dunia internasional – diwakili oleh Amerika Serikat – terhadap kebijakan Indonesia merespon terorisme di era reformasi. Dua aspek utama dalam kontra-terorisme menjadi pembatas dari perhatian internasional ini, yaitu aspek efektivitas kontra-terorisme dan aspek kepatuhan kepada nilai-nilai Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM). Karena kebutuhannya untuk melakukan sekuritisasi terhadap isu terorisme terjadi pada era demokrasi, pemerintah Indonesia harus mengadopsi nilai-nilai HAM dalam meyakini public dan dunia internasional. Tetapi penggunaan nilai HAM tidak dilakukan untuk memastikan terjaganya pemenuhan HAM, melainkan untuk menjustifikasikan tindakan-tindakan eksepsional dalam kontra-terorisme. Selanjutnya kerjasama dengan Amerika Serikat memfasilitasi terjadinya penguatan kapabilitas koersif kontra-terorisme dalam wujud lembaga criminal justice system yang berkapasitas khusus dalam bidang ini. Ketiadaan tekanan untuk secara serius mempertimbangkan perlindungan HAM dalam kontra-terorisme merupakan salah satu contributor dari rendahnya manifestasi institusional dari kontra-terorisme Indonesia yang ditandai dengan ketiadaan dokumen formal yang secara eksplisit mengartikulasikan strategi (tujuan, ukuran pencapaian dan instrument) kontra-terorisme sehingga kebijakan kontra-terorisme Indonesia pun absen akan evaluasi. Sementara itu bantuan langsung kepada kepolisian dan militer Indonesia juga membuat pemerintah – eksekutif maupun legislative – memberikan otoritas eksepsional kepada aparat keamanan tanpa mekanisme akuntabilitas dalam pelaksanaannya.
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