This book offers a comprehensive overview of the beginnings, development, and stabilization of differential object marking (DOM) in Romanian by combining two approaches: diachronic syntax and comparative syntax. The working hypothesis is that Romanian DOM reflects a typological mix of Balkan and Romance DOM patterns, and that the assessment of the mixed structures must separately quantify three DOM mechanisms in this language (through clitic doubling, DOM particle, and the combination of the above). Tests applied to these DOM mechanisms indicated the nominal domain as the repository for DOM triggers in Romanian, as opposed to the verbal domain in other Romance languages. The cross-linguistic perspective adopted in this book is instrumental for revisiting the DOM typologies in light of the variations shown to occur in the location of the DOM particle and the pronominal clitic (i.e., either on the nominal or on the verb spines).
pour certains dialectes de l'italien). Pour parler de ce même phénomène dans les langues romanes, d'autres auteurs parlent d'accusatif prépositionnel ou encore d'objet direct prépositionnel (voir, entre autres, Niculescu (1959, 1965)). (1) L-am întâlnit *(pe) Ion. (roumain) le CL.Acc-ai rencontré PE Acc Jean « J'ai rencontré Jean. » (2) Vi *(a) Juan. (espagnol) vis A Acc Jean « J'ai vu Jean. » (3) An furatu *(a) Ercole. (sarde) ont volé A Acc Hercule « Ils / elles ont enlevé Hercule. » Dans ces exemples, le MDO est obligatoire, mais dans d'autres cas il peut aussi être optionnel ou exclu, en fonction de différents paramètres. Les paramètres qui déterminent le MDO en général, et l'accusatif prépositionnel dans les langues romanes en particulier, peuvent être organisés dans une hiérarchie comportant les trois paramètres suivants (cf.
It is generally assumed that grammaticalization is a major process in linguistic change. It is also assumed that grammaticalization does not affect homogeneously all linguistic categories, or even all languages: it has been said, for instance, that some languages are further down most grammaticalization clines than others and, thus, appear to be more grammaticalized than others. In this paper, we illustrate the uneven pace of grammaticalization in Romance by analysing a specific area of language, viz. simple and complex prepositions. Our goal is to establish a list of prepositions which are in actual use in five present-day Romance languages (to wit, French, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian and Spanish). In order to do so, we check the validity of existing lists against written and spoken corpora, and evaluate the degree of grammaticalization of each morpheme or construction, on the basis of (mainly) morpho-syntactic criteria. Additionally, and most importantly, a corpus-based approach makes it possible to observe these items' frequency. The result offers a clear picture of the degree of grammaticalization of prepositions in present-day Romance, showing that French seems indeed to be the most grammaticalized Romance language, followed by Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and Romanian.
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