Prior studies indicated that actively using social network sites (SNSs) is positively associated with well-being by enhancing social support and feelings of connectedness. Conversely, passively using SNSs is negatively associated with well-being by fostering upward social comparison and envy. However, the majority of these studies has focused on Facebook. The present research examined the relationships between well-being—satisfaction with life, negative affect, positive affect—and using actively or passively various SNSs—Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, TikTok—during the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, two mediators were tested: social support and upward social comparison. One thousand four persons completed an online survey during the quarantine measures; the analyses employed structural equation modeling. Results showed that passive usage of Facebook is negatively related to well-being through upward social comparison, whereas active usage of Instagram is positively related to satisfaction with life and negative affect through social support. Furthermore, active usage of Twitter was positively related to satisfaction with life through social support; while passive usage was negatively related to upward social comparison, which, in turn, was associated with more negative affect. Finally, TikTok use was not associated with well-being. Results are discussed in line with SNSs’ architectures and users’ motivations. Future research is required to go beyond methodological and statistical limitations and allow generalization. This study concludes that SNSs must be differentiated to truly understand how they shape human interactions.

This exploratory study aims to identify reasons that lead victims of sexual and gender-based violence to share, or, not share their experiences on Twitter. Open-ended survey responses of 94 victims of sexual and gender-based violence were analyzed using the ALCESTE method, a qualitative and inductive approach. Results showed that those who shared their experience on Twitter did so to render sexual and gender-based violence more visible and to support other victims; they declared that they also wanted to change society, contributing in this way to a wider collective movement. On the contrary, participants who did not tweet their experience reported concerns about different costs and risks, such as feeling ashamed, the fear of being judged and blamed by others and even a lack of trust in the Twitter platform and its members. Focusing on the implications of rape culture in society, this study concludes with a call for a framework integrating models of self-disclosure and collective action to conceptualise the testimonials of sexual and gender-based violence on social media.

This research explores the reasons that lead survivors of sexual and gender-based violence to share their experiences on Twitter, as well as the reasons that prevent them from doing so. Using an online survey, we investigated the perspective of 94 survivors of sexual and gender-based violence. Open-ended responses were analysed with the ALCESTE method, a lexical analysis. Considering that in-person self-disclosure differs from in-public self-disclosure, we based our interpretations of the findings on self-disclosure as well as collective action and social activism frameworks. Results showed that those who shared their experience on Twitter did so to render sexual and gender-based violence more visible, and to support the #MeToo movement. They also wanted to change public perceptions of sexual and gender-based violence, while addressing violence at work and denouncing rape culture (the difficulty of filing a complaint, and victim blaming). On the contrary, survivors who did not tweet their experience expressed several concerns, such as feeling ashamed, the fear of being judged by others, and a lack of trust in the Twitter platform and its members. This research concludes that in order to understand the disclosure of victimisation on social network sites, like Twitter, it is worthwhile to complement the self-disclosure framework with insights on collective action and social activism. We also make a call for taking into account differences of social network sites when studying online disclosure of sexual and gender-based violence. Content warning: This article discusses issues of sexual and gender-based violence.

Prior studies indicated that actively using social network sites (SNSs) is positively associated with well-being by enhancing social support and feelings of connectedness. Conversely, passively using SNSs is negatively associated with well-being by fostering upward social comparison and envy. However, the majority of these studies has focused on Facebook. The present research examined the relationships between well-being and using actively or passively various SNSs (Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and TikTok) during the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, two mediators were tested: social support and upward social comparison. Eight hundred and twenty-three persons completed an online survey during the quarantine measures. Analyzes employed structural equation modeling. Results showed that passive usage of Facebook is negatively related to well-being through upward social comparison, whereas active usage of Instagram is positively related to satisfaction with life and negative affects through social support. However, TikTok use was not associated with well-being and the only significant relation for Twitter was between active usage and lower satisfaction with life. Results are discussed in line with SNSs’ architectures and user’s motivations. This study concludes that SNSs must be differentiated to truly understand how they shape human interactions.

The increasing number of social network sites (SNSs) and their changing nature raise the question of why people use SNSs. This research has a twofold objective: first, to develop a new motivation scale for using SNSs, second, to compare the utilization of five SNSs (Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat and LinkedIn). Two studies on 364 university students, using exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses, established 6 motivations for using SNSs: entertainment, social interaction, seeking information, instrumental use, self-documentation and self-enhancement. Contrary to previous studies, Facebook use was not related with social interaction or self-enhancement. Like LinkedIn, the use of the platform was rather associated with peer pressure. The results also revealed that new practices, such as “social selling”, affect the motivations for using SNSs. For instance, Instagram and Snapchat were mainly driven by instrumental needs. Finally, in line with the literature, Twitter was mainly used to satisfy informational needs. The results are discussed in light of new motives behind SNSs use and differences in using specific SNSs.