We exploit the construction and eventual demise of the colonial railroads in Africa to study the impact of transportation investments in poor countries. Using Ghana and Sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, we assembled new data on railroads and cities spanning over one century to show that: (i) Railroads had large effects on the spatial distribution and aggregate level of economic activity during the colonial period, as they constituted a transportation revolution in a context where no modern transportation technology previously existed. (ii) These effects have persisted to date, although railroads collapsed and road networks expanded considerably in the post-independence period. The analysis contributes to our understanding of the heterogeneous impact of transportation investments. It shows that initial investments may have a large effect in poor countries with basic infrastructure. As the countries develop, increasing returns may then solidify their spatial distribution, and subsequent investments may have a smaller effect on local economic development.

Little is known about the extent and forces of path dependence in developing countries. Colonial era railway construction in Kenya provides a natural experiment to study the emergence and persistence of a spatial equilibrium. Data spanning over one century show that railways determined the location of European settlers, Asian traders and the main cities at independence. Europeans then left, Asians departed and railways declined in the immediate post‐independence period, constituting local shocks to physical and human capital. Yet the colonial cities persisted. We test four explanations for path dependence based on institutional persistence, technological change, sunk investments and spatial coordination failures.

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The partition of German Togoland after World War I provides a natural experiment to test the impact of British and French colonization. Using data of recruits to the Ghanaian colonial army 1908-1955, we find that literacy and religious affiliation diverge at the border between the parts of Togoland under British and French control as early as in the 1920s. We partly attribute this to policies towards missionary schools. The divergence is only visible in the South where educational and evangelization efforts were strong. Contemporary survey data show that border effects that began in colonial times still persist today.hen African countries gained independence, former British colonies had on average higher school enrollment rates than former French colonies (Benavot and Riddle 1988;Brown 2000;Grier 1999). A significant educational disparity still exists today. In 2000 former British colonies enrolled 70 percent of their school-age population in primary schools, 15 percent more than former French colonies (Garnier and Schafer 2006). Many scholars argue that the persistent difference in education is a legacy of the colonial past whereby countries inherited and more or less followed the very distinct education models that their colonizers implanted (Bolt and Bezemer

What are the economic consequences of mining in Sub-Saharan Africa? Using a panel of 3,635 districts from 42 Sub-Saharan African countries for the period 1992 to 2012 we investigate the effects of mining on living standards measured by night-lights.Night-lights increase in mining districts when mineral production expands (intensive margin), but large effects approximately equivalent to 16% increase in GDP are mainly associated with new discoveries and new production (extensive margin). We identify the effect by carefully choosing feasible but not yet mined districts as a control group. In addition, we exploit giant and major mineral discoveries as exogenous news shocks. In spite of the within district large effects, there is little evidence of significant spillovers to other districts reinforcing the enclave nature of mines in Africa.Furthermore, the local effects disappear after mining activities come to an end which is consistent with the 'resource curse' view.JEL classification: O11, O13, Q32

How did nutritional status develop in sub-Saharan Africa during the second half of the 20th century, and what role did economic development play in nutrition and health? Aggregating data from more than 200,000 women in 28 sub-Saharan African countries, we use mean height as an indicator of net nutritional status and find that the nutritional status of 1960 birth cohorts was relatively high. This situation, however, was not sustained. In almost all countries examined, mean heights were stagnating or decreasing after the 1970 cohorts. Using regression analysis we model human growth from birth to maturity, and find that economic growth had a significant and robust influence on final adult height at two distinct periods of the life cycle: (1) in the first years of life and (2) at puberty. We conclude that the economic difficulties of the late 1970s and 1980s contributed to the decline or stagnation in heights.

This study presents fresh evidence on nutrition and health in colonial Kenya by using a new and comprehensive data set of African army recruits and civilians and applying a powerful measure of nutritional status: mean population height. Findings demonstrate huge regional inequalities, but only minor changes in the mean height of cohorts born 20 years before and after colonization. From 1920 onwards secular improvements took place, which continued after independence. I conclude that however bad colonial policies and devastating short-term crises were, the net outcome of colonial times was a significant progress in nutrition and health.

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