This study examines Peterson and Seligman's (2004, p. 19) claim that every VIA character strength "(.. .) is morally valued in its own right, even in the absence of obvious beneficial outcomes". Although this criterion assumes a pivotal role in distinguishing character from personality, no previous study has investigated its validity. Based on what Peterson and Seligman (2004) have provided us with, we describe how we built our study around indirectly testing every strength's assumed moral evaluation, in which inclinations toward deontology (e.g., "torture is wrong regardless of tangible positive outcomes") and consequentialism (e.g., "torture can be good if it accounts for more positive than negative outcomes") may play a critical role. We used Peterson and Seligman's (2004) handbook to construct four ultra-short stories for every strength: the stories depict various agents engaging in strength-related behavior (e.g., a young student courageously stepping up against school bullies). We prompted participants to rate these and twelve anchor stories multiple times as to whether the agents acted morally correct: In the first block, the actions' consequences were undetermined while in the second block, the actions had either positive, negative, or mixed consequences, which we used to compute proxies of participants' inclinations toward deontology and consequentialism. The ratings of N = 230 German-speaking laypersons suggest that the criterion stands: participants perceived every strength as positively morally valued when consequences were undetermined, and positive consequences did not account for or increase this effect. However, moral value seems to come in degrees, and some strengths were valued more strongly than others (top five: judgment, honesty, kindness, fairness, and hope). Furthermore, specific character strengths (measured by self-report) were connected with more positive evaluations (e.g., endorsing spirituality was connected with rating spirituality as more positively valued). Both deontology and consequentialism were connected with more positive evaluations, and we suggest two hypotheses to explain how such inclinations can lead to perceiving character strengths

Character strengths are assumed to contribute not only to an individual's well-being but also to communal thriving, citizenship, and the well-being of others. In particular, they can be assumed to contribute to an individual's confidence in overcoming barriers to pro-environmental behavior. This confidence, environmental self-efficacy, has primarily been measured in the context of specific behaviors (e.g. recycling). In this study, we developed a broad measure of environmental self-efficacy: the Environmental Self-Efficacy Scale (ESE20) and a derivative short version (ESE10). Through an online survey, two convenience samples completed assessments of environmental self-efficacy, generalized self-efficacy, and character strengths (NC = 224) as well as environmental self-efficacy and psychological barriers to pro-environmental behavior (NV = 169). Both ESE20 and ESE10 demonstrated unidimensionality, reliably captured environmental self-efficacy, and put forward medium to large positive relationships with generalized self-efficacy. The scales further yielded small to medium negative relationships with the psychological barriers Change Unnecessary, Conflicting Goals and Aspirations, Lacking Knowledge, and Tokenism. The character strengths zest and leadership sustained the numerically strongest relationships with environmental self-efficacy (medium positive effects) and generalized self-efficacy (large positive effects). Kindness, humility, prudence, fairness, and forgiveness were only related to environmental selfefficacy (small to medium positive effects), but not to generalized self-efficacy. These five strengths can hence be assumed to be other-focused and to specifically contribute to the well-being of others.

Affect is involved in many psychological phenomena, but a descriptive structure, long sought, has been elusive. Valence and arousal are fundamental, and a key question–the focus of the present study–is the relationship between them. Valence is sometimes thought to be independent of arousal, but, in some studies (representing too few societies in the world) arousal was found to vary with valence. One common finding is that arousal is lowest at neutral valence and increases with both positive and negative valence: a symmetric V-shaped relationship. In the study reported here of self-reported affect during a remembered moment (N = 8,590), we tested the valence-arousal relationship in 33 societies with 25 different languages. The two most common hypotheses in the literature–independence and a symmetric V-shaped relationship–were not supported. With data of all samples pooled, arousal increased with positive but not negative valence. Valence accounted for between 5% (Finland) and 43% (China Beijing) of the variance in arousal. Although there is evidence for a structural relationship between the two, there is also a large amount of variability in this relation.

Recent theoretical advances have grounded gelotophobia (Greek: gelos = laughter, phobos = fear) in a dynamic framework of causes, moderating factors, and consequences of the fear of being laughed at. This understanding corresponds to that of vulnerability and translates gelotophobia into a distinguishable pattern of lacking resources (i.e., misinterpretation of joy and laughter) that can result in negative consequences (e.g., reduced well-being and performance) if individuals have no access to further resources (e.g., social support) or are exposed to severe stressors (e.g., workplace bullying). Based on the panel data provided by the Swiss National Centre of Competence in Research LIVES (N = 2469 across six measurement intervals), this study takes the first step toward empirically testing this model’s assumptions: First, we computed exemplary zero-order correlations and showed that gelotophobia was negatively connected with social support (resource) and life and job satisfaction (consequences) and positively connected with perceived stress, work stress, and workplace bullying (stressors). Second, we used longitudinal cluster analyses (KmL; k-means-longitudinal) and showed that the panel data can be clustered into three stable patterns of life and job satisfaction and that gelotophobia is primarily related to the two clusters marked by lower levels of satisfaction. Third, we computed partial correlations and showed that social support, perceived stress, and work stress (but not workplace bullying) can weaken or completely resolve gelotophobia’s relationships with such diverging trajectories of life and job satisfaction. We concluded that seeing gelotophobia through the lens of vulnerability is useful and that such research warrants further attention using more dedicated, theoretically grounded projects.

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