Social networking sites (SNSs) are platforms where people make social comparisons very frequently, and because of those comparisons, they have the potential for evoking a wide range of emotions. According to typology of social comparison-based emotions, the emotions felt after social comparisons may vary according to the direction of comparison (upward vs. downward) as well as the internal process that triggered by those comparisons (assimilation vs. contrast). The current study aims to examine the mothers' emotions they felt after social comparisons they make with other mothers on the SNSs, and search out the usefulness of using the typology of social comparison-based emotions in examining those emotions. For this purpose, an online survey was conducted on 42 mothers between the ages of 20 and 48, who have been a member of SNSs for at least six months. Mothers responses to two open-ended questions; one is about the emotions they feel after upward comparisons, and the other is about the ones that they felt after downward comparison they made with other mothers on SNSs, were examined through thematic analyses. The results pointed out that the emotion classification offered in Smith’s theory might be useful in examining the social comparisons on SNSs made by mothers, with the addition of some new categories. Specifically, it was found that some mothers feel doubts about the credibility of information in other mothers’ posts, and some others denied they are emotionally influenced by social comparisons. Another interesting finding was that mothers reported to feel assimilative and contrastive emotions simultaneously.
ÖzAlanyazında sıkça belirtilen biçimiyle göç, köklü bir yer değiştirmedir. Bununla birlikte, göçün sadece olumsuz etkilerine odaklanmak ve bu etkilerin kaynağı olarak göçmen bireyin kendisini göstermek maalesef göç olgusunu basite indirgemektedir. Yol açabileceği psikolojik sorunlara rağmen göç aynı zamanda öncüllerine, birey için bir fırsatlar ortamı olma, olumlu etkiler oluşturma ve güçlendirme potansiyeli de taşımaktadır. Göçün bu olumlu nitelikteki çıktılara dair sorular ve dolayısıyla kanıtlar araştırmalarda ihmal edilebilmektedir. Bu çalışma, çocukların dolaylı olarak ya da kendi yaşantıları içinde doğrudan deneyimledikleri göç olgusunun psikososyal etkilerini tarafsız ve gelişimsel bir bakış açısıyla ele almayı amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda öncelikle göç türleri tanıtılmış, Türkiye' de göç olgusunun anlamı, motivasyonu, yönü, temel etkenleri belirtilmiştir. Göçün gelişen birey üzerindeki psikolojik ve fizyolojik nitelikli olumsuz etkilerine dair temel bazı kanıtların yanı sıra, göçmenin uyumunda olumlu sonuçlara odaklanan psikolojik sağlamlık çalışmalarına da yer verilmiştir. Göçmen çocuğun başarısız uyumunun bir göstergesi olduğu iddia edilen fakat esasen zorlayıcı yaşam koşullarının çocuğu toplum dışına itmesinin bir sonucu olan suça ise özel bir bölüm ayrılmıştır. Sonuç olarak çocuklar için göç deneyimini, alternatif psikososyal çıktılara yol açan bir biçimde ve daha geniş ekolojik bağlamda düşünmenin önemine dair somut bazı fikir ve önerilerin inşasına çalışılacaktır. AbstractMigration, as often mentioned in literature, is a radical change of the rooted place. However, focusing only on psychosocial adversities and pointing the migrants as a source of these influences, unfortunately degrades the effects of migration. Despite the psychological problems that migration may lead, it also carries a potential to create opportunities, positive effects and empowerment for the migrant. However questions about these positive outcomes and therefore evidence can be neglected in research. This study aims to discuss the psychosocial effects of immigration, which either children experience indirectly or directly in their own lives, from an objective and developmental point of view. For this purpose first we introduce types of migration and define the meaning, motivation, direction and the key factors of migration in Turkey. In addition to some basic evidence of adverse psychological and physiological effects to the immigrant individual, we also covered psychological resiliency studies in order to focus on the positive adaptation process of migrants. Involvement in crime, which has been claimed as an indicator of maladaptation in migrant children, indeed arise as the challenging conditions push children out of the community, devoted a special section. In the conclusion, some concrete ideas and suggestions on the importance of thinking immigration experience for children as giving pathways to alternative psychosocial outcomes and in the wider ecological context will be cultivated.
In this study, it is crucial to give brief information about the framework theory that we utilized to examine the nature of the relationship between sexual abuse and selfdisclosure behavior in the child. Bronfenbrenner (1979) proposed in the Ecological Model (cited in Bronfenbrenner 1986) and also later in the Bioecological Model (Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 1998); the idea that a child's developmental process takes place in more extended systems, including the family. In studies based on this perspective, the adaptation of the child to five different levels of systems (micro, meso, exo, macro and chrono levels) is investigated (Feldman 2006, Minuchin and Shapiro 1983). Bronfenbrenner's Ecological Systems Model explains the development of the child; through the characteristics of the subsystems and the changes over time depending on individual's relationships with each subsystem (Bronfenbrenner 1986). Within the scope of the study, the microsystems that the child lives in every day like school and family including the caregivers, relatives, neighbors, friends or teachers who are in direct communication and interaction with children will be taken into consideration. In the following chapters, the meso, exo, macro and chrono systems will be covered by the emprical findings for the self-disclosure and the protection of the rights of the children, respectively.
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