Three types of aggressive behavior (physical, verbal, and indirect) were investigated by help of peer estimations based on The Direct & Indirect Aggression Scales (DIAS) (Finland: Åbo Akademi University) [Björkqvist et al., 1992b]. Aggressive behavior of adolescents of three age groups (8, 11, and 15 years old), in Finland, (Finnish and Swedish speakers), Israel (secular and religious Israelis), Italy, and Poland were studied (n=2094). Indirect aggression was, in proportional terms, the aggressive style mostly used by girls, across nations, ethnic groups, and age groups studied. Verbal aggression was their second most used style, and physical aggression was applied least often by girls. Among boys, indirect aggression was, in all ages, the least used aggressive style. Physical and verbal aggression was, by boys, used equally often at ages 8 and 11, while, at the age of 15, verbal aggression had surpassed physical aggression and was the most used style. Scores of victimization to other's aggression showed somewhat similar trends. Aggr. Behav. 24:1–8, 1998. © 1998 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.

The Direct & Indirect Aggression Scales (DIAS) (Björkqvist et al. [1992b] Finland: Åbo Akademi University) were applied in order to investigate the perception of aggression among 8‐year‐old children (n=404, girls 200, boys 204) in a cross‐cultural comparison. Two samples from Finland (Finnish and Swedish‐speaking children), two from Chicago, IL (African Americans and Caucasians), and one from Warsaw, Poland, were included in the study. These types of aggressive behavior and victimization of aggression (physical, verbal, and indirect) were measured using both peer and self estimations. Peer estimations were internally more consistent than self estimations. Children rated themselves as significantly less aggressive than their peers rated them. The opposite was true of victimization. An attributional discrepancy index (ADI) was calculated as the difference between self and peer estimated aggression scores. The index may be seen as an indicator of norms pertaining to aggression in different ethnic groups. ADI scores of girls, but not for boys, showed significant variance over culture on all three types of aggression. This indicates greater cultural variation in norms pertaining to aggression for girls than for boys. Cultural variation and sex differences in the patterning of aggressive behavior were analysed using multidimensional scaling (ALSCAL). Cultural variation appeared as distribution along the x‐axis (dimension 1) in a two‐dimensional solution, and sex differences along the y‐axis (dimension 2), indicating that patterns of aggressive behavior are dependent on both culture and sex. © 1994 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.

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Research on the determinants of aggressive behavior is usually directed toward such problems as the relationship of frustration to aggression and social influences on the forms aggression takes and its targets Accordmg to Berkowitz (1965, the individual's readiness to aggress and situational factors which transform this readmess mto action may be equally important "Readmess to aggress" refers both to the arousal of anger resultmg from frustration and to aggressive tendencies developed through past experience In either case, the presence of the appropnate ehciting stimuli m the environment presumably facilitates the occurrence of aggressive behavior Various studies by Berkowitz and his associates support this conception of aggression strength as the jomt product of situational cues and mdividual factors. For example, this research has demonstrated that an aggressive stimulus m the environment, such as a filmed fight or a set of guns seen by the potential aggressor, will increase the strengtihi of aggressive behavior displayed by angry subjects (Berkowitz & LePage, 1967, Geen & Berkowitz, 1967 While some writers would prefer to explain such effects m terms of reduction of inhibitions against aggression (that IS, the stimuh mdicate to the observer that aggression IS allowable), Berkowitz argues that these external stimuli evoke aggressive responses from people who are already aroused or angry because the stimuli have been frequently associated with aggression m the past It also seems clear to us that relatively enduring personality factors have a role m the degree to which such stimuli can evoke aggressive behavior What we will discuss m this paper is the role of constant perceptual-emotional 1 We wish to thank Leonard Berkowitz for his generous support and en-

f The article concerns group-and-culture-related manifestations of interpersonal violence and aggression in children and youths. It is well documented that the intensity of aggressive behaviour in children depends more on the socio-cultural environment in which they live in than on their sex per se. One typical form of group-related violence is bullying/victimization in schools. Violence and hostility against some members of the ingroup and outgroups can develop as a result of a threat to positive social identity of the individual's own group. However, such social groups as juvenile delinquent gangs are organized/integrated around hostile and violent activities as basic values. The juvenile delinquent gang is a product of several societal processes and structural influences, which include socio-demographic factors as well as a criminal subculture. Several socio-normative conditions, i.e. disorganization of social life, diffusion of responsibility, moral approval of aggression, are important prerequisites of violence and aggression escalation in the world of young people.