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The health effects of police surveillance practices for the community at-large are unknown. Using microlevel health data from the 2009-2012 New York City Community Health Survey (NYC-CHS) nested within mesolevel data from the 2009-2012 NYC Stop, Question, and Frisk (NYC-SQF) dataset, this study evaluates contextual and ethnoracially variant associations between invasive aspects of pedestrian stops and multiple dimensions of poor health. Results reveal that living in neighborhoods where pedestrian stops are more likely to become invasive is associated with worse health. Living in neighborhoods where stops are more likely to result in frisking show the most consistent negative associations. More limited deleterious effects can be attributed to living in neighborhoods where stops are more likely to involve use of force or in neighborhoods with larger ethnoracial disparities in frisking or use of force. However, the health effects of pedestrian stops vary by ethnoracial group in complex ways. For instance, minorities who live in neighborhoods with a wider ethno racial disparity in police behavior have poorer health outcomes in most respects, but blacks have lower odds of diabetes when they live in neighborhoods where they face a higher risk that a stop will involve use of force by police than do whites. The findings suggest that the consequences of the institutionalization of the carceral state are far-reaching.

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The author makes the argument that many racial disparities in health are rooted in political economic processes that undergird racial residential segregation at the mesolevel—specifically, the neighborhood. The dual mortgage market is considered a key political economic context whereby racially marginalized people are isolated into degenerative ecological environments. A multilevel root-cause conceptual framework, the racism-race reification process ( R3p), is proposed and preliminarily tested to delineate how institutional conditions shape the health of racially marginalized individuals through the reification of race. After reviewing and critiquing the conceptual and theoretical roots of R3p, the key components of the synergistic framework are detailed and applied to clarify extant understandings of the upstream (i.e., macrolevel) factors informing racial health disparities. Using aggregated data from the 1994 Home Mortgage Disclosure Act and Neighborhood Change Database merged at the mesolevel (i.e., the neighborhood cluster) with microlevel data from the Project on Human Development in Chicago Neighborhoods, exploratory analysis is presented that links dual mortgage market political economies to ethnoracial residential segregation at the mesolevel and to childhood health inequalities at the microlevel. The author concludes by considering how racial inequality is an artifact of the political economic reality of race and racism manifested from the neighborhood-level down.

Previous research suggests police surveillance practices confer health risks to community members. This study examines whether the public health burden of excessive or ethnoracially inequitable police use of force are amplified or buffered by ethnoracial composition. Multilevel models are used to assess data from the 2009-2012 New York City Community Health Survey merged at the United Hospital Fund level with data from the 2009-2012 New York City Stop, Question, and Frisk Database. The illness associations of ethnoracial composition are amplified by the areal density of police use of force but buffered by the disproportionate police use of force against minorities. Specifically, living in minority communities with a high concentration of use of force by police against pedestrians is associated with an increased risk of diabetes and obesity. However, living in areas with a heavy presence of whites where there are large racial differences in police use of force is associated with an increased risk of poor/fair self-rated health, high blood pressure, diabetes, and obesity. The article concludes by considering the implications of the findings for better understanding the racialized nature of police violence and the consequences of place in distributing surveillance stress and structuring legal cynicism.

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In the 1990s New York City widened the surveillance reign of the criminal justice system to include minor offenses. One aspect of this public policy is a procedure known as Terry stops, which involves police temporarily detaining persons who may be acting criminally. While only a small percentage of these stops result in arrest, warrants, or the recovery of illegal materials, a sizeable portion become physically invasive (i.e., involve body searches and use of force). The health effects of invasive policing practices for the community at-large are unknown. Using microlevel health data from 2009-2012 NYC Community Health Survey nested within mesolevel data from the 2009-2012 NYC Stop, Question, and Frisk dataset, this study employs multilevel mixed effects models to evaluate contextual and ethnoracially-variant associations between invasive aspects of Terry stops and multiple dimensions of illness (poor/fair health, diabetes, high blood pressure, asthma episodes, body weight). Terry stops are, in fact, associated with worse health. The most consistent Terry measures associated with illness is the likelihood that stops will result in frisking. More limited deleterious effects can be attributed to the likelihood that stops will result in use of force and to minority-to-white ratios of frisk and use of force. The health effects of Terry stops vary by ethnoracial group in complex ways. For instance, the minority-to-white frisking ratio and the likelihood that stops will involve use of force increase certain dimensions of illness for minorities; meanwhile, the minority-to-white use of force ratio reduces the likelihood of diabetes for Blacks.-Abigail A. Sewell, Ph.D.Assistant ProfessorDepartment of SociologyEmory University1555 Dickey Dr.Atlanta, GA 30322Vice Provost's Postdoctoral FellowPopulation Studies CenterUniversity of Pennsylvania3718 Locust Walk239 McNeil BuildingPhiladelphia, PA 191014Email: abigail.a.sewell@emory.eduWebsite: www.abigailasewell.com________________________________This e-mail message (including any attachments) is for the sole use ofthe intended recipient(s) and may contain confidential and privilegedinformation. If the reader of this message is not the intendedrecipient, you are hereby notified that any dissemination, distributionor copying of this message (including any attachments) is strictlyprohibited.If you have received this message in error, please contactthe sender by reply e-mail message and destroy all copies of theoriginal message (including attachments).

Blacks and Latinos are less likely than whites to access health insurance and utilize health care. One way to overcome some of these racial barriers to health equity may be through advances in technology that allow people to access and utilize health care in innovative ways. Yet, little research has focused on whether the racial gap that exists for health care utilization also exists for accessing health information online and through mobile technologies. Using data from the Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS), we examine racial differences in obtaining health information online via mobile devices. We find that blacks and Latinos are more likely to trust online newspapers to get health information than whites. Minorities who have access to a mobile device are more likely to rely on the Internet for health information in a time of strong need. Federally insured individuals who are connected to mobile devices have the highest probability of reliance on the Internet as a go-to source of health information. We conclude by discussing the importance of mobile technologies for health policy, particularly related to developing health literacy, improving health outcomes, and contributing to reducing health disparities by race and health insurance status.