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The psychological impact of ultrasound examination on expectant parents is assessed through direct observation, interviews and the administration of a questionnaire to a large group of parents. The examination was a positive and reassuring experience for most parents. Among a wide array of variables that could account for the effects of the exam, the results were the most important. Women viewing their first ultrasound, specially primiparae were more moved. The results did not confirm that there is a traumatic effect when viewing precedes quickening. Contrary to previous reports, fathers were as emotionally involved as the mothers. The presence of the father seemed also to have a beneficial effect on the mother. One-half of parents wanted to know the sex of the fetus before birth. These findings are discussed, along with implications for problems arising from introduction of new technologies during pregnancy.

The role of report (recall) bias in case-control studies of possible reproductive hazards was investigated in a study of women who gave birth at the Royal Victoria Hospital, Montreal from September 1983 to May 1985. Women were questioned twice (early in pregnancy; after delivery) about exposures that might influence pregnancy outcome. The two sets of responses of case mothers, control mothers, and mothers of infants of intermediate health status were then compared. Similar inconsistencies in the reporting of 39 exposure variables were common in all three groups, with postdelivery deletion of previous reports more frequent than addition of new information. Changes in reporting were not associated with pregnancy outcome, maternal concern about the baby or maternal sociodemographic characteristics. Odds ratios of exposure estimated from the two sets of data did not differ importantly. Moreover, there was no postdelivery trend to increases, or decreases, in the estimates of the odds ratios. The data do not provide evidence of biased reporting of exposures.

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This Article considers the influence and implications of the application of genetic technologies to definitions of disease and to the treatment of illness. The concept of “geneticization” is introduced to emphasize the dominant discourse in today's stories of health and disease and the social construction of biological phenomenon is described. The reassurance, choice and control supposedly provided by prenatal genetic testing and screening are critically examined, and their role in constructing the need for such technology is addressed. Using the stories told about prenatal diagnosis as a focus, the consequences of a genetic perspective for and on women and their health care needs are explored.

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Choice' has long been a principal demand of the women's health movement. This paper explores some ways in which current trends in biomedicine and health care may be transforming the concept of choice, and the choices pmided to women, into risks to our well-being. The trends examined include the continuing neglect of structural constraints on women's abilities to choose; the framing of choice solely as an expression of individualism; and a mZon of health care choices for women as ways to stimulate the economy. These trends present special risks for women because they co-opt our demands for gender-based health policies to support the commercialisation of health and health care. To counter these trends' women will have to pam'cipate actively in the processes that determine what options are developed and made available to us, ensuring that the contexts oj women's lives and our understandings of risks are addressed. Only then might choice be authentic, and not a risk for health.

We offer an economic perspective on prevention of p-thalassemia disease by means of genetic screening and prenatal diagnosis in an established program in Quebec province. The program screens 80 per cent of at-risk persons in the high-risk communities, provides diagnosis to 75 per cent of at-risk couples, and prevented two-thirds of new cases in the period of study. We measured the additional costs, in 1981 Canadian dollars, of medical and public health resources, both incurred and avoided, resulting from use of these prevention services. The total direct cost per case