A survey study of patients recovering from stroke (N = 53) examined the extent to which belonging to multiple groups prior to stroke and the maintenance of those group memberships (as measured by the Exeter Identity Transitions Scales, EXITS) predicted well-being after stroke. Results of correlation analysis showed that life satisfaction was associated both with multiple group memberships prior to stroke and with the maintenance of group memberships. Path analysis indicated that belonging to multiple groups was associated with maintained well-being because there was a greater likelihood that some of those memberships would be preserved after stroke-related life transition. Furthermore, it was found that cognitive failures compromised well-being in part because they made it hard for individuals to maintain group memberships post-stroke. These findings highlight the importance of social identity continuity in facilitating well-being following stroke and, more broadly, show the theoretical contribution that a social identity approach to mental health can make in the context of neuropsychological rehabilitation.

Two longitudinal studies considered the role of social identity factors in predicting well-being after students' transition to university. The transition (assessed before starting university and after 2 months at university) had a detrimental effect on well-being, but identification as a university student improved well-being. Both studies showed that the social context in which the change occurred either facilitated or hindered university identification. Specifically, perceived compatibility between old and new identities and having multiple group memberships (which were each influenced by social class background, Study 2) both increased likelihood of identification with the new group. These predictive relationships remained statistically reliable when controlling for other factors relevant to the transition. The results suggest that life transitions are difficult partly because they entail changes in group membership. Both studies also demonstrate that identification with a new group can help buffer individuals from the negative well-being consequences of change.

In two studies, the authors investigated guilt as a response to group-based advantage. Consistent with its conceptualization as a self-focused emotion, White guilt was based in self-focused beliefs in racial inequality. Thus, guilt was associated with belief in White privilege (Study 1) and resulted from seeing European Americans as perpetrators of racial discrimination (Study 2). Just as personal guilt is associated with efforts at restitution, White guilt was predictive of support for affirmative action programs aimed at compensating African Americans. White guilt was not, however, predictive of support for noncompensatory efforts at promoting equality, such as affirmative action programs that increase opportunities (Study 2). In contrast, the other-focused emotion of group-based sympathy was a more general predictor of support for different affirmative action policies. Our findings demonstrate the benefits and limits of group-based guilt as a basis of support for social equality and highlight the value of understanding the specific emotions elicited in intergroup contexts.

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The present research examined emotions as predictors of opposition to policies and actions of one's country that are perceived to be illegitimate. Two studies investigated the political implications of American (Study 1) and British (Study 2) citizens' anger, guilt, and shame responses to perceived harm caused by their countries' occupation of Iraq. In both studies, a manipulation of pervasive threat to the country's image increased participants' shame but not guilt. The emotions predicted political action intentions to advocate distinct opposition strategies. Shame predicted action intentions to advocate withdrawal from Iraq. Anger predicted action intentions to advocate compensation to Iraq, confrontation of agents responsible, and withdrawal from Iraq. Anger directed at different targets (ingroup, ingroup representative, and outgroup representative) predicted action intentions to support distinct strategies (Study 2). Guilt did not independently predict any political action intentions. Implications for the study of political action and emotions in intergroup contexts are discussed.