Zur syntaktischen Struktur nominaler Quantoren

Pafel, Jürgen

doi:10.1515/zfsw.1994.13.2.236

Cited by 8 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 2 publications

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“…As already mentioned in section 2.1, the distributive PQE jeder-een 'every a' in Low German does have a complex High German counterpart with reversed word order, ein jeder 'an every', which can be optionally used in place of the simplex distributive jeder; see, for example, Kallulli and Rothmayr (2008), Leu (2009), Roehrs (to appear) for recent discussions of ein jeder, and Pafel (1995) for an earlier treatment. An example from Roehrs (to appear) is provided in (22): (22) (Ein ) jedes Kind sagte ein Gedicht auf.…”

Section: Jeder-een and Ein Jedermentioning

confidence: 98%

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On the functional architecture of DP and the feature content of pronominal quantifiers in Low German

Zimmermann

2011

J Comp German Linguistics

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The article investigates the functional architecture of complex pronominal quantifying expressions (PQEs) in Low German, such as jeder-een 'everyone' and keeneen 'no-one', which provide overt evidence for a Num-projection, situated between the NP-and DP-layer. The feature specification of Num as [+lattice] or [−lattice] is responsible for whether the DP denotes into the domain of atomic or mass/plural entities, respectively. In the case of complex PQEs, the syntactic Num-head hosts the overt element een 'a, one', which carries a [−lattice] feature, thus ensuring that the PQE ranges exclusively over the domain of atomic entities, but not mass or plural entities. The Num-head een differs from its simplex counterpart wat 'something', which is analyzed as an NP-proform with an underspecified [lattice]-feature. As a result, wat can range over atomic and mass domains alike. In the final part of the article, it is argued that wat is also underspecified for the operator feature [rel/wh], for which reason it can also function as an interrogative expression (what) and as a relative pronoun (which), respectively, depending on the syntactic context. Throughout the article, the Low German data are compared with relevant data from other German dialects and Germanic and Romance languages, pointing out similarities and differences in the syntactic structure and feature content of PQEs across these languages and dialects.

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Section: Jeder-een and Ein Jedermentioning

confidence: 98%

“…There are also examples of the shortened distributive form jed-een with overt NPs, as in (ii), possibly pointing to an ongoing process of lexicalization from jed + een to jedeen Q ; see, e.g., Pafel (1995) and Roehrs (to appear):…”

Section: (19) [ Dp Jeder/ Keen Nump Een [ Np ]]] [mentioning

confidence: 99%

On the functional architecture of DP and the feature content of pronominal quantifiers in Low German

Zimmermann

2011

J Comp German Linguistics

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“…Determiner beid-and adjectival beid-have distinct scope properties (Pafel, 1995). Let me start from the discussion in Pafel (1995), representing a variant of (38).…”

Section:  Dp-external Scopementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Let me start from the discussion in Pafel (1995), representing a variant of (38). Pafel (1995, p.247ff) discusses the two (uses of) German beid-, terminologically distinguishing between a "quantificational" (37a) and a "referential" (37b) noun phrase.…”

Section:  Dp-external Scopementioning

confidence: 99%

“…I would like to take issue with Pafel's complex head proposal for DP-initial beid-(and complex determiners more generally), repeated from above. Pafel's (1995) proposal is part of a larger discussion of German determiners. He identifies a number of "complex determiners," to which he assigns the headadjunction structure.…”

Section:  the Syntax Of Determiner Beid-mentioning

confidence: 99%

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The internal syntax of jeder ‘every’

Leu

2009

LIVY

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In this paper I explore the elements that make up the German distributive universal quantifier jeder, and the structural relationships among them. I argue that jeder consists of three overt morphemes je-d-er, which are heads in an extended adjectival projection (xAP). Their relative order is derived by movement [ xAP je d er t jeP ]. Je corresponds to the adjectival stem, -d-is an adjectival article (which in turn is analyzed as a relative complementizer) and -er is an agreement head, AgrA. The xAP further contains movement traces/ copies of the nominal which jeder quantifies over. One of these copies is in the complement of je where, I claim, it supplies the restriction (distributive key or range). The components of the proposal are all motivated independently of jeder: (i) its morphology identifies jeder as adjectival, hence an analysis of it must incorporate an (independently motivated) adjectival syntax; (ii) a comparison with the distributive dual quantifier beid-'both' further informs the syntactic analysis internal to the word jeder; and (iii) a comparison of je in jeder and in other je-words suggests that je takes an N(P) complement, a fact that confirms the expectations regarding the selectional properties of je raised by the preceding discussion. Finally, a comparison of jeder with counterparts of it in other languages, as well as with other complex determiners in German, will broaden the scope and corroborate important aspects of the present proposal.

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Quantification in German

Kobele¹,

Zimmermann²

2012

Handbook of Quantifiers in Natural Language

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Zur syntaktischen Struktur nominaler Quantoren

Cited by 8 publications

References 2 publications

On the functional architecture of DP and the feature content of pronominal quantifiers in Low German

On the functional architecture of DP and the feature content of pronominal quantifiers in Low German

The internal syntax of jeder ‘every’

Quantification in German

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