Women and Contentious Politics

Murdie, Amanda; Peksen, Dursun

doi:10.1177/1065912914563547

Cited by 27 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 43 publications

(69 reference statements)

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“…A large body of work on nonviolent resistance addresses when a variety of protests are likely to occur (cf. DeNardo (1985) and Francisco (1995) on protest generally, Beaulieu (2014) on electoral protests, Brancati (2016) on democracy protests, Costello et al (2015) on human rights protests, and Murdie & Dursen (2015) on women’s rights protests). Case-specific works address the inner workings and trajectory of movements that include nonviolent tactics, such as Gandhi’s anti-colonial movement (cf.…”

Section: Existing Studies Of Tacticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Protests and persuasion: Partisanships effect on evaluating nonviolent tactics in the United States

Croco

Cunningham²,

Vincent

2023

Journal of Peace Research

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How does the public respond to nonviolent resistance tactics? This survey experiment examines both approval and perceptions of legitimacy for five nonviolent tactics using a sample of American adults. We include two variations in our treatment – first examining responses to different protest tactics, then adding in the factor of co-partisanship, which we argue is a relevant identity in the US political context. In the non-partisan treatments, we find a stark dichotomy between our measures of approval and legitimacy. All nonviolent treatment tactics decrease approval for the neutral activist group using them, but three of four tactic treatments increase the probability that respondents will support our legitimacy indicators (congressional hearing invitation and media attention). We find that partisanship conditions how respondents evaluate nonviolent tactics of resistance, but not in ways we would expect based on the conventional wisdom that liberals favor ‘nonviolent resistance' while conservatives do not. Partisan alignment has a consistent effect on respondent approval of tactics in that the partisan treatment leads to disapproval of out-partisan groups across the nonviolent tactics (compared to no mention of tactic or partisanship). Surprisingly, however, this finding on co-partisanship does not extend to our measures of legitimacy. Partisanship clearly conditions the way that respondents evaluate nonviolent tactics of resistance, but not necessarily in predictable ways.

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Section: Existing Studies Of Tacticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Protests and persuasion: Partisanships effect on evaluating nonviolent tactics in the United States

Croco

Cunningham²,

Vincent

2023

Journal of Peace Research

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“…Levels of trade activity serve as a proxy for liberalization, which is associated with higher levels of inequality and increasing political dissent and protest participation (Wada 2005). Women's education signifies increasing political awareness amongst marginalized groups, which increases the likelihood of protest participation (Murdie and Peksen 2015). Lastly, urban areas support large populations that can participate in large demonstrations, so increasing urban population is likely to increase protest participation (Fox and Bell 2016).…”

Section: Other Relevant Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Anti-Systemic Movements in the Attention Economy

Bhandari¹

2023

JWSR

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In recent decades, anti-systemic movements feature new forms of communication for organizing efforts: the use of information and communication technologies. Research on information and communication technologies suggests that mobile phones and internet access have increasingly facilitated horizontal communication for anti-systemic movements across the world-system, creating space for rapid and instantaneous organization and mobilization. However, existing scholarship benefits from a critical evaluation of claims about horizontality by addressing the political economy of information and communication technologies from a world-systems analysis perspective. Specifically, information and communication technology devices and platforms—from cellphones to social media channels—are designed by powerful corporations that are often based in powerful core and semi-periphery nations. The majority of these corporations are based in the hegemonic core of the United States. Within the present context of waning material resources across the world-system, these corporations profit from an online attention economy. Just as traditional material economies exploit the labor and natural resources from the periphery to extract wealth for core states, the attention economy exploits the psychologies and behaviors of periphery populations to extract wealth for core countries. Thus, some of the most powerful institutions in the world-system control the algorithms and structures where anti-systemic movements compete for peoples’ attention. This study utilizes the Mass Mobilization Data Project 1990-2018 historical dataset to determine which kinds of anti-systemic movements thrive as information and communication technology access expands globally. Using population-averaged negative binomial panel models on protest counts, I determine that as information and communication technologies expand, anti-systemic movements that are unlikely to threaten U.S. hegemony thrive, and conversely, anti-systemic movements that pose serious threats to U.S. hegemony and the present capitalist world-system are stifled. To unpack these findings, I draw from the cultural political economy approach, a framework that describes how some imaginations become a zeitgeist over competing imaginations for economic and political realities.

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“…Such opportunities can be particularly impactful when formed among women leaders from the Global North and South working together on labour issues affecting women. Women's grassroots civil society activism in the Global South is frequently vibrant (Kreft, 2019; Murdie & Peksen, 2015a, 2015b; Tripp, 2015). Civil society organisations may leverage civic participation mechanisms in PTAs to their advantage, in terms of being heard by decision‐makers or even attracting additional resources, similar to how women have used peace negotiation processes to direct attention to women's needs an ensure improvements in women's rights (Anderson, 2016).…”

Section: Argument: Labour Provisions In Ptas and The Advancement Of W...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Labour provisions in trade agreements and women's rights in the global south

Bastiaens,

Postnikov,

Kreft

2023

Global Policy

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The effect of trade liberalisation on women has been hotly contested. Here, we take a step back and explore the effect of the institutions underlying trade on freedoms for women in the Global South. We build on the literature showing that the design of trade agreements matters for social welfare outcomes and argue that labour provisions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs) can contribute to improved women's rights. We assess this claim using statistical evidence and find a robust, positive correlation between labour provisions in PTAs and civic freedoms for women and no robust relationship with economic or political freedoms for women. Our study aims to establish an empirical link between PTA design and women's rights, suggesting new policies are needed to better balance economic globalisation with social goals in the current protectionist era.

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Women and Contentious Politics

Cited by 27 publications

References 43 publications

Protests and persuasion: Partisanships effect on evaluating nonviolent tactics in the United States

Protests and persuasion: Partisanships effect on evaluating nonviolent tactics in the United States

Anti-Systemic Movements in the Attention Economy

Labour provisions in trade agreements and women's rights in the global south

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