Wives' and Husbands' Housework Reporting

Press, Julie E.; Townsley, Eleanor

doi:10.1177/089124398012002005

Cited by 159 publications

(30 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…First, our measures of temperament and engagement suffered from shared-method variance and may have inflated associations between temperament and parental engagement. In addition, self-report measures frequently overestimate general time use (Juster & Stafford, 1991) and suffer from social desirability bias (Press & Townsley, 1998). Future studies should consider alternative measurement methods to explore the quantity of parents' engagement in relation to child characteristics.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Infant characteristics and parental engagement at the transition to parenthood

Kotila¹,

Schoppe‐Sullivan²,

Dush³

2014

Infant Behavior and Development

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Positive engagement activities support children's adaptive development and new parents are encouraged to be highly engaged with infants. Yet, fathers' engagement is widely understudied and maternal engagement quantity is frequently overlooked. Our study contributes to growing knowledge on associations between infant temperament and parental engagement by testing transactional and moderation models in a recent sample of first-time parents when infants were 3, 6, and 9 months old. Stringent longitudinal, reciprocal structural equation models partially confirmed an engagement "benefit". Mothers' engagement marginally contributed to their children's gains in effortful control from 3 to 6 months regardless of child gender. Further, mothers' engagement reduced infant negative affect from 6 to 9 months regardless of child gender. Mothers' ratings of infant negative affect were gendered; mothers' ratings of infant negative affect increases more from 3 to 6 months for boys. Fathers' engagement was contextually sensitive; child gender moderated the link between negative affect and engagement from 6 to 9 months, such that fathers became more engaged with boys whom they rated higher on negative affect; there was no effect for daughters. Finally, we found that effortful control moderated associations between negative affect and maternal engagement; mothers' engagement increases from 3 to 6 months were greater for children initially rated lower in effortful control. Implications for future research and parenting education and support services are discussed.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Infant characteristics and parental engagement at the transition to parenthood

Kotila¹,

Schoppe‐Sullivan²,

Dush³

2014

Infant Behavior and Development

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“…They felt it important The European Journal of Women's Studies 10(2) 204 that each have adequate leisure time, that they share the burden of supporting the family as well as all the tasks inherent to family life. Finally, gender ideology may also influence how individuals perceive and report their housework contributions (Press and Townsley, 1998).…”

Section: Stefanmentioning

confidence: 99%

Fair or Unfair? Perceived Fairness of Household Division of Labour and Gender Equality among Women and Men

Nordenmark

Nyman

2003

European Journal of Women's Studies

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The main aim of this study is to analyse how time use, individual resources, distributive justice and gender ideology influence perceptions of fairness concerning housework and gender equality. The analyses are based on survey data as well as on an interview study, both including Swedish couples. The quantitative results show that it is only factors connected to time use (division of housework and leisure time) that are significantly correlated to both perceptions of fairness concerning division of household labour and gender equality. Although the qualitative results in part confirm this picture, they also illustrate the complexity of concepts like fairness and equality. The interviews show that there are several factors and mechanisms at work in influencing perceptions of fairness and equality that were not possible to see from the quantitative analysis alone.

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“…However, other realms of unpaid family work have been extensively explored. Research agrees that women complete disproportional amounts of household labor (Coltrane 2000;Duxbury et al 1994;Hochschild 1989;Press and Townsley 1998;and Perry-Jenkins and Folk 1994), women are more likely to orchestrate social events (Coltrane 2000;Shelton and John 1996. ) and serve as family managers, that is, they assume responsibility for planning and initiating the majority of a variety of family work (Coltrane 1996;Devault 1987;Merderer 1993;Thompson and Walker 1989;Ehrensaft 1987 andBerk 1985).…”

Section: Family Work and How It Is Dividedmentioning

confidence: 94%

Is It Our Day or the Bride’s Day? The Division of Wedding Labor and Its Meaning for Couples

Sniezek

2005

Qual Sociol

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Based on qualitative interviews with southern California heterosexual engaged couples, I examine how wedding planning work is divided between the bride and the groom and how couple's meaningfully interpret the division of labor. I find that couple's wedding planning work disproportionately falls to women, especially that labor that is invisible. Wedding work, in many respects, is another form of unpaid and unappreciated women's work, not that unlike housework. Yet, couples do not understand wedding work as an unequal pursuit. Couples use an assortment of interactional strategies to interpret wedding work as a joint and equal enterprise.The image of a man being dragged to the wedding alter and a woman, in contrast, ever eager to wed is a common one in U.S. popular culture. Children's toy makers offer young girls wedding dolls and wedding accessories, suggesting that wedding is an important and desirable part of being a woman. The commercial wedding industry targets women almost exclusively. There is, for example, no equivalent of "Brides Magazine" for the groom. Despite the continued and widespread gender stereotypes related to wedding, do men and women have an unequal involvement in wedding and wedding planning? Do participants see wedding planning as "women's" work and wedding work as women's primary responsibility? I examine the division of wedding planning work and how heterosexual couples meaningfully construct and interpret wedding work in the context of their relationship. Ultimately, my qualitative study of weddings provides insight into marriage and family life in the midst of changing gender ideologies.Correspondence should be directed to

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Wives' and Husbands' Housework Reporting

Cited by 159 publications

References 12 publications

Infant characteristics and parental engagement at the transition to parenthood

Infant characteristics and parental engagement at the transition to parenthood

Fair or Unfair? Perceived Fairness of Household Division of Labour and Gender Equality among Women and Men

Is It Our Day or the Bride’s Day? The Division of Wedding Labor and Its Meaning for Couples

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