Why Women Protest: Insights from Ukraine's EuroMaidan

Nikolayenko, Olena; DeCasper, Maria

doi:10.1017/slr.2018.207

Cited by 11 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 91 publications

(6 reference statements)

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“…Ukraine: Research on women's resistance to the communist regime finds that women's involvement in guerrilla warfare resulted in the contestation of traditional gender norms and the subordination of their personal lives (Nikolayenko & DeCasper, 2018). In particular, female insurgents postponed marriage and childbearing, instead assuming collective responsibility for the national cause (Nikolayenko & DeCasper, 2018).…”

Section: Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Ukraine: Russia's annexation of Crimea has engendered the growth of civil society and in particular the development of a volunteer movement. Civic activists have stepped in to provide assistance to IDPs and to compensate for the inefficiency and corruption inside government agencies (Nikolayenko & DeCasper, 2018).…”

Section: Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Women comprise the majority of humanitarian aid and service providers in Ukraine -and are generally more active than men in civil society (Warren et al, 2018). Women organised fundraising campaigns to supply the cash-strapped army with food, clothes, and medical equipment (Nikolayenko & DeCasper, 2018). Women's CSOs operate hotlines to collect reports of violence and to relay information about resources to survivors (Warren et al, 2018).…”

Section: Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Political Empowerment of Women, Girls and LGBTQ+ People: Post-conflict Opportunities

Haider¹

2022

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The instability and upheaval of violent conflict can break down patriarchal structures, challenge traditional gender norms and open up new roles and spaces for collective agency of women, sexual and gender minorities (SGM), and other marginalised groups (Yadav, 2021; Myrittinen & Daigle, 2017). A recent study on the gendered implications of civil war finds that countries recovering from ‘major civil war’ experience substantial improvements in women’s civil liberties and political participation—complementary aspects of political empowerment (Bakken & Bahaug, 2020). This rapid literature review explores the openings that conflict and post-conflict settings can create for the development of political empowerment of women and LGBTQ+ communities—as well as challenges. Drawing primarily on a range of academic, non-governmental organisation (NGO), and practitioner literature, it explores conflict-affected settings from around the world. There was limited literature available on experience from Ukraine (which was of interest for this report); and on specific opportunities at the level of local administrations. In addition, the available literature on empowerment of LGBTQ+ communities was much less than that available for women’s empowerment. The literature also focused on women, with an absence of information on girls. It is important to note that while much of the literature speaks to women in society as a whole, there are various intersectionalities (e.g. class, race, ethnicity, religion, age, disability, rural/urban etc.) that can produce varying treatment and degrees of empowerment of women. Several examples are noted within the report.

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Section: Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Case Studiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Political Empowerment of Women, Girls and LGBTQ+ People: Post-conflict Opportunities

Haider¹

2022

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“…The 2013‐2014 Euromaidan protests in Ukraine, during which I did the bulk of my fieldwork with activists, saw feminist participation and the development of arguably feminist initiatives, known as women's brigades ( zhinochi sotni ) (Bureychak and Petrenko 2014; Nikolayenko and DeCasper 2018; Phillips 2014; Rubchak 2014). When I spoke to some women's brigade organizers, they described these groups as sites for women to be more involved in the protests, but on their terms, outside of the kitchens in which they had mostly been confined.…”

Section: Sextremism Repression and The Internet: Twenty‐first‐centumentioning

confidence: 99%

Gender, feminism, and nation: Contributions of the socialist and post‐socialist worlds

Channell-Justice¹

2020

Feminist Anthropology

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This article situates feminist research and activism in the post-socialist world. Focusing mainly on Ukraine and Russia, but drawing on research from around the region, this genealogy explores the unique contributions of feminist and gender-based activism before, during, and after state socialism. It is organized around the tension between feminism and nationalism that has been present in Ukraine from the 19 th century to the present day, and it asks how this tension has generated a vibrant feminist discourse despite backlash. The article highlights the overlap between feminist scholarship and activism, treating both as essential to the development of a regional feminism.

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“…Considering methodology, researchers of protests use a wide range of tools to register an actual change in individual behaviour. Some scholars employ ethnographic methods or qualitative interviews to address individual changes in language, gestures, clothes, and other symbolic clues [19,18,20,21]. Other scholars use largescale representative surveys to confirm that public attitudes can change over time in line with the protest agenda [22].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Longitudinal change in language behaviour during protests: A case study of Euromaidan in Ukraine

Slobozhan¹,

Brik²,

Sharma³

2021

Preprint

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In the last decade, online social media has become the primary platform for protesters to organize and express their agenda in various parts of the world. Nevertheless, scholars still debate whether online tools induce offline protests or facilitate them [1,2]. Unfortunately, studies of protests often lack panel data and cannot address how particular users change their behaviour over time in line with the protest agenda. To this end, we analyze a new dataset of the Facebook page EuroMaydan that was explicitly created to facilitate the protest in Ukraine from November 2013 to February 2014. Moreover, our analysis follows this page even after the end of the protest till June 2014. This page had more than 300,000 subscribers at the time when the data was collected. On average, this page generated hundreds of posts and thousands of comments per day, reaching up to 37,307 comments in one day. In total, the dataset includes 26,631 posts and 1,470,593 comments that were generated by 124,790 users during and after the protests. We use this panel data to test how particular users switch between the two most popular languages of this page: Ukrainian and Russian. Previous studies have puzzled with language behaviour during the Ukrainian protest [3,4]. Although researchers expected to see more Ukrainian language due to national mobilization, studies discovered that Ukrainian protesters frequently used Russian, especially after the end of the protest. A hypothesis was suggested that protesters use language strategically depending on circumstances (e.g., to maximize outreach). However, previous studies relied on aggregated data and did not explore the withinsubject variation of language behaviour. Our study adds to this scholarship by adding a longitudinal analysis of language behaviour. Considering the broader contribution of this paper, we add to the literature on protests by validating previous findings derived from surveys that activists change their behaviour to reflect prior preferences and situational goals rather than modify their preferences.

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Why Women Protest: Insights from Ukraine's EuroMaidan

Cited by 11 publications

References 91 publications

Political Empowerment of Women, Girls and LGBTQ+ People: Post-conflict Opportunities

Political Empowerment of Women, Girls and LGBTQ+ People: Post-conflict Opportunities

Gender, feminism, and nation: Contributions of the socialist and post‐socialist worlds

Longitudinal change in language behaviour during protests: A case study of Euromaidan in Ukraine

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