Why Do We Think Racially? Culture, Evolution, and Cognition

Machery, Édouard; Faucher, Luc

doi:10.1016/b978-0-08-101107-2.00046-4

Cited by 13 publications

(21 citation statements)

References 84 publications

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“…Everybody believes that cars are a human invention, but this belief is clearly not the product of some domain-specific adaptation: the fact that cars are human-invented is easily acquired via domain-general learning (on this point, see Hochman, 2013, 999;Machery & Faucher, 2017, 1164.…”

Section: Hirschfeld's Accountmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We are therefore left with no reason to rule out domain-general processes. The fact that children inherit skin color from their biological parents is an easily learnable fact: minimal exposure to different-race families would presumably suffice (see Hochman, 2013, 999;Machery & Faucher, 2017, 1164.…”

Section: Hirschfeld's Accountmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As was just explained, in the only study of its kind, Mandalaywala and colleagues (2019) found that children's belief that race is inherited did not predict essentialist beliefs about race. Moreover, neither children nor adults see membership in other salient groups, such as teachers or nations, as inherited (Machery & Faucher, 2017, 1150-1151). However, children and adults do harbor a tendency to essentialize various non-racial groups-a point I elaborate on below.…”

Section: Hirschfeld's Accountmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In responding to the alliance-detection account, some theorists have suggested that racialized groups do not have the hallmarks of alliances (see Glasgow, 2009, 68-69;Machery & Faucher, 2017, 1157-1158. Unfortunately, this is an understudied issue.…”

Section: Do the Folk Really See Racialized Groups As Alliances?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Roots of Racial Categorization

Phillips¹

2020

Preprint

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I examine the origins of ordinary racial thinking. I begin with the belief that visible features are diagnostic of race. I argue that the mechanisms responsible for face recognition have an important, albeit delimited, role to play in sustaining this belief. I then address essentialist conceptions of race. I argue that they are forged, in large part, by the mechanisms responsible for what social psychologists call “entitativity perception.” In defending this approach, I argue against the thesis, defended by some evolutionary psychologists, that racial categorization is the byproduct a misfiring module (e.g. a folk-biology module).

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Section: Hirschfeld's Accountmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Hirschfeld's Accountmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Hirschfeld's Accountmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Do the Folk Really See Racialized Groups As Alliances?mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

The Roots of Racial Categorization

Phillips¹

2020

Preprint

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“…For example, alongside the many rules and facts about the world that are explicitly taught, human children learn a large and stable set of implicit beliefs that govern action without needing to be stated explicitly, described, or explained (Sperber 1996;. By age 7, children are already proficient in complex, though mostly tacit intergroup relational rules and dynamics of power, and already form implicit judgments about the "value" of members of other groups, and that of their group in relation to others (e.g., children of minority groups often internalize preferences for prestige-laden groups different from their own ethnic group; for a review, see Clark 1988;Clark & Clark 1939;Huneman & Machery 2015;Kelly et al 2010;Kinzler & Spelke 2011;Machery & Faucher 2017;Navarrete & Fessler 2005;Pauker et al 2016).…”

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confidence: 99%

Maladaptive social norms, cultural progress, and the free-energy principle

Colombo¹

2020

Behav Brain Sci

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A multidimensional model of collective narcissism

Montoya

Pittinsky

Rosenthal

2020

J. Theo. Soc. Psychol.

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The impact of collective narcissism on intergroup and intragroup relations has seen a recent surge in attention. Since collective narcissism is a relatively new topic of study, with only a single published measure, its structure and composition require further investigation. A pilot study investigated a multidimensional model of collective narcissism and identified four factors: entitlement/exploitativeness, dominance/arrogance, apathy, and admiration. Study 1 (a) provided construct, convergent, and discriminant validity and (b) demonstrated that the factors differentially predict various responses in the intergroup context. Study 2 demonstrated the four-factor solution's statistical and theoretical superiority to a single-factor solution when predicting behavior in the intergroup context. Studies 3 and 4 supported the importance of a multidimensional structure to predict intergroup and intragroup behavior. Study 3 revealed that apathy and entitlement/exploitativeness were particularly responsible for negative intergroup and intragroup responses after ingroup failure, whereas Study 4 demonstrated that dominance/arrogance was critical to understand ingroup-enhancing responses. This multidimensional framework contributes theoretical clarity and nuance to the range of narcissistic motivations and responses in the group context. We discuss the importance of a multidimensional approach to collective narcissism and outline its complex relation with a number of intergroup processes, including group identification, ingroup loyalty, and outgroup hostility.

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Why Do We Think Racially? Culture, Evolution, and Cognition

Cited by 13 publications

References 84 publications

The Roots of Racial Categorization

The Roots of Racial Categorization

Maladaptive social norms, cultural progress, and the free-energy principle

A multidimensional model of collective narcissism

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