Why do sonorants not voice in Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak?

Bárkányi, Zsuzsanna; Kiss, Zoltán

doi:10.1075/atoh.14.03bar

Cited by 10 publications

(16 citation statements)

References 27 publications

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“…This analysis is to some extent compatible with that proposed for Slovak in Bárkányi & G. Kiss (2015), henceforth B&K. They also agree that pre-sonorant voicing requires neutralization of the laryngeal contrast in word-final position, and therefore, a 'targetless' obstruent with respect to laryngeal gestures. The latter may to some extent correspond to our C 0 .…”

supporting

confidence: 86%

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‘Voice’ languages with no [voice]? Some consequences of Laryngeal Relativism

Cyran

2017

Acta Linguistica Academica

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Strict criteria on phonological categoryhood coupled with strict privativity of representation inevitably lead to a conclusion that sonorants must not contain a prime responsible for voicing. Assuming that this prime is also not supplied to sonorants in the course of phonological derivation, this class of segments, contrary to observed patterns, should be inactive with respect to voicing phenomena. Presonorant sandhi voicing in Cracow-Poznań Polish is used to show how such apparent patterns can be dealt with without compromising the above theoretical assumptions. This however has consequences which bear on almost every aspect of laryngeal phonology. Some of them include: arbitrariness of the relation between phonology and phonetics, emergent nature of laryngeal categories, minimization of the role of phonological computation, re-evaluation of typical analytical criteria for deciding on phonological representation of laryngeal distinctions, which are used in phonological practice, as well as a possibility that the prime [voice], or its theoretical counterpart in various models, is not present in some 'voice' languages.

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supporting

confidence: 86%

“…The phenomenon is known from other languages as well: Slovak(Bárkányi & G. Kiss 2015), Breton(Ternes 1970), West Flemmish (De Schutter & Taeldeman 1986), Catalan(Wheeler 1986), as well as varieties of German and Italian(Krämer 2001).…”

mentioning

confidence: 96%

‘Voice’ languages with no [voice]? Some consequences of Laryngeal Relativism

Cyran

2017

Acta Linguistica Academica

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“…She claims that consonant duration and vowel -consonant duration ratio does show vowel shortening effects in Hungarian similar to pre-fortis clipping languages (e.g., Harris, 1994;Wells, 2000). Bárkányi and G. Kiss (2015) study VA in Hungarian (and Slovak) with a special focus on pre-sonorant voicing and show that obstruents in pre-sonorant position preserve their laryngeal contrast, while in pre-obstruent position the process is mostly categorical with sporadic significant differences between voiced and voiceless obstruents. Bárkányi and G. Kiss (forthcoming) study word-final obstruent clusters in VA contexts and conclude that RVA in Hungarian is categorical, but partially contrast-preserving, and stops and fricatives are not affected in the same way by the process.…”

Section: Stopmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…As we have seen above, Hungarian is a typical RVA language where sonorant consonants do not participate in this assimilatory process. There are some interesting restrictions that seem to apply to pre-sonorant voicing, which do not apply to pre-obstruent voicing assimilation; as Bárkányi and G. Kiss (2015) observe, pre-sonorant voicing typically occurs in languages which display final devoicing (this, however, does not mean that in all languages with word-final devoicing there is pre-sonorant voicing as well). Pre-sonorant voicing is also generally restricted to the word-final (or syllable-final) position.…”

Section: Learning Pre-sonorant Voicingmentioning

confidence: 99%

The acquisition of voicing assimilation by advanced Hungarian learners of Spanish

Bárkányi

2018

RESLA

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This study examines the effect of explicit phonological instruction on the acquisition of variable /s/ voicing in Spanish by advanced Hungarian learners. Hungarian and Spanish have very similar, yet not identical, voicing assimilation (VA) systems; the most important difference lies in the pre-sonorant context as sonorant consonants trigger voicing assimilation in Spanish but not in Hungarian. Data were collected in acoustic experiments from 7 native speakers of Northern Peninsular Spanish and 12 Hungarian university students who were advanced learners of Spanish. The latter group was tested twice: before and after a three-month Spanish phonetics and phonology course. Our data reveal that this amount of instruction is not enough for L2 speakers to overcome their first language VA system, which might be attributed, in part, to the variable allophonic nature of the process and the similarity between the two languages’ VA systems.

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“…Thus, Moravian Czech patterns with Slovak in this respect (Pauliny, 1979: 152ff. ;Bárkányi & Beňuš, 2015;Bárkányi & Kiss, 2015).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Dialectal differences in voicing assimilation patterns: The case of Moravian Czech English

Šturm¹,

Tylečková²

2019

Auc Philologica

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One challenge for the second language (L2) learner of English is to master a novel phonetic implementation of the voicing contrast, whereas another challenge is to learn how consonant sequences behave in connected speech. Learners of English coming from three different language backgrounds were tested; their native varieties were Bohemian Czech, Moravian Czech, and Slovak. The Moravian variety of Czech is more similar in voicing assimilation to the Slovak language than to the Bohemian variety of Czech. Percentage of phonetic voicing was measured in the L2 (i.e. English) word-final obstruents preceding three classes of sounds: voiceless and voiced obstruents, and sonorants. Bohemian and Moravian speakers exhibited different strategies in pre-sonorant contexts, following their native (variety-specific) assimilation rules.

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Why do sonorants not voice in Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak?

Cited by 10 publications

References 27 publications

‘Voice’ languages with no [voice]? Some consequences of Laryngeal Relativism

‘Voice’ languages with no [voice]? Some consequences of Laryngeal Relativism

The acquisition of voicing assimilation by advanced Hungarian learners of Spanish

Dialectal differences in voicing assimilation patterns: The case of Moravian Czech English

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