“…PSOnline www.apsanet.org movements has deepened scholarly understanding of an oftenoverlooked phenomenon: the existence, practices, and extraordinary political acumen of female Islamist activists inside male-dominated Islamist parties~Clark and Schwedler 2003!. While the high degree of access by female scholars surprises many with no experience in the region, one mitigating factor is that high levels of education are universally respected and honored throughout the Middle East, even~or perhaps especially! in states with high degrees of illiteracy.…”
Field research on politics in the Middle East poses far less problems
for Western female researchers than many Westerners assume. The questions
most commonly asked of me by colleagues include whether anyone will speak
to an American woman (yes), and whether I need to wear a veil (no, but see
below). Female researchers do face many challenges, but most have less to
do with gender than with examining sensitive political issues in highly
repressive environments. Of those that do concern gender, many vary by
degree rather than type from the issues faced by female scholars
conducting field research elsewhere. I draw heavily on my own
overwhelmingly positive experiences with ethnographic research in Jordan
and Yemen—totaling more than four years over the past decade,
including nearly a year of research conducted post-September 11—and
those of many friends in outlining the following issues facing Western
female political scientists conducting field research in the Middle
East.I would like to thank Laryssa Chomiak,
Janine Astrid Clark, Sam Fayyaz, and Lisa Wedeen for their thoughtful
comments on earlier versions of this article.
“…PSOnline www.apsanet.org movements has deepened scholarly understanding of an oftenoverlooked phenomenon: the existence, practices, and extraordinary political acumen of female Islamist activists inside male-dominated Islamist parties~Clark and Schwedler 2003!. While the high degree of access by female scholars surprises many with no experience in the region, one mitigating factor is that high levels of education are universally respected and honored throughout the Middle East, even~or perhaps especially! in states with high degrees of illiteracy.…”
Field research on politics in the Middle East poses far less problems
for Western female researchers than many Westerners assume. The questions
most commonly asked of me by colleagues include whether anyone will speak
to an American woman (yes), and whether I need to wear a veil (no, but see
below). Female researchers do face many challenges, but most have less to
do with gender than with examining sensitive political issues in highly
repressive environments. Of those that do concern gender, many vary by
degree rather than type from the issues faced by female scholars
conducting field research elsewhere. I draw heavily on my own
overwhelmingly positive experiences with ethnographic research in Jordan
and Yemen—totaling more than four years over the past decade,
including nearly a year of research conducted post-September 11—and
those of many friends in outlining the following issues facing Western
female political scientists conducting field research in the Middle
East.I would like to thank Laryssa Chomiak,
Janine Astrid Clark, Sam Fayyaz, and Lisa Wedeen for their thoughtful
comments on earlier versions of this article.
“…An intriguing finding identified in this survey is that most of the articles written by Middle East specialists use widely applicable theoretical frameworks to explain cases from the region (for example, Wiktorowicz 2000; Moore 2001; Lust‐Okar and Jamal 2002; Önis and Turem 2002; Tessler 2002a; Clark and Schwedler 2003; Anderson 2004; Angrist 2004; Bellin 2004; Clark 2004a; Langohr 2004; Lust‐Okar 2004; Posusney 2004 ; Wickham 2004; Somer 2005), whereas it is the Middle East‐related works produced by non‐Middle East specialists, on the other hand, that tend to use data from the region in cross‐regional and cross‐cultural analyses to engage in theory construction or refinement. For example, Stathis Kalyvas (2000) relies on a Belgium–Algeria comparison to demonstrate that established, highly centralized, and autocratic religious parties can have a positive effect on democratization processes because they enable religious parties to overcome commitment problems to democracy.…”
Section: Reviewing the Concerns And Identifying Recent Trendsmentioning
In the previous decade, many scholars with expertise in the politics of the Middle East pointed to an intellectual gulf between Middle East studies and mainstream international and comparative political studies. Common perceptions that the Middle East experience was too exceptional to be theory‐relevant and that area studies work was excessively a‐theoretical were said to be responsible for the alleged chasm. If these concerns are taken at face value, a review of research published on authoritarianism and Islamic movements in the first years of the twenty‐first century in top academic presses and scholarly journals indicates that a counter trend has emerged. Middle East area experts are increasingly making use of theoretical frameworks produced by non‐Middle East specialists. There is, however, variation in how well disciplinary social science analytical tools are applied and in the significance of various works to theory‐building. More emphasis on theory‐testing and construction (rather than just theory application) as well as cross‐regional and cross‐cultural comparisons will increase the comparative value of works produced by Middle East area studies specialists and will add to their visibility in the discipline at large.
“…While religiosity is an overarching identity that Clark and Schwedler, 2003;Denoeux, 2002;Nasr, 2005 Government should implement only the laws of the Shari'a [item 7]…”
Section: Theoretical Propositions Of Political Islammentioning
Is making an explicit distinction between politically moderate devout Muslims and political radicals empirically valid? If yes, in what ways do political moderates differ from political radicals? By systematically examining cross-national Muslim attitudes, this article scrutinizes the distinctiveness of politically moderate and politically radical Islam against the weight of empirical evidence. By drawing from extant theoretical linkages, we conduct a confirmatory factor analysis of cross-national survey data from 13 Muslim-majority states to test the fit of two widely theorized factors-moderate and radical Islamism. The findings suggest that support for politically moderate Islam is distinctively different from support for politically radical Islam. This article makes two key contributions. First, this study introduces a systematic empirical operationalization of Political Islam, and a more nuanced measurement thereof for empirical research. Second, the findings help advance our understanding of the variation in politically divergent religious attitudes in the Islamic world.
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