Who is Punished? Conditions Affecting Voter Evaluations of Legislators Who Do Not Compromise

Bauer, Nichole M.; Harbridge‐Yong, Laurel; Krupnikov, Yanna

doi:10.1007/s11109-016-9356-6

Cited by 67 publications

(42 citation statements)

References 50 publications

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“…Conventional gendered socialization patterns reinforce the idea that women should have traits associated with childbearing and raising, such as strong interpersonal skills and working well with others (Cassese and Holman 2017;Diekman, Eagly, and Kulesa 2002;Holman, Merolla, and Zechmeister 2016). These patterns generate expectations for some behavior for women and different behavior for men (Bauer, Yong, and Krupnikov 2017;Eagly and Karau 2002;Krupnikov and Bauer 2014); these expectations are often internalized and socially reinforced, rewarding women for having stereotypic strengths like interpersonal skills (Eagly and Karau 2002;Schneider 2014). These expectations also shape women's policy interests; scholars consistently find that women in political office consistently work on "women's issues" more than men do (Holman 2015;Osborn 2014).…”

Section: Influences On Legislative Collaborationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Stop, Collaborate, and Listen: Women's Collaboration in US State Legislatures

Holman

Mahoney

2018

Legislative Studies Qtrly

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Collaboration plays a key role in crafting good public policy. We use a novel data set of over 140,000 pieces of legislation considered in US state legislatures in 2015 to examine the factors associated with women's collaboration with each other. We articulate a theory that women's collaboration arises from opportunity structures, dictated by an interaction of individual and institutional characteristics. Examining the effect of a combination of characteristics, we find support for an interactive view of institutions, where women's caucuses accelerate collaboration in Democratic‐controlled bodies and as the share of women increases. Collaboration between women also continues in the face of increased polarization in the presence of a caucus, but not absent one. Our findings speak to the long‐term consequences of electing women to political office, the importance of institutions and organizations in shaping legislative behavior, and the institutionalization of gender in politics.

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Section: Influences On Legislative Collaborationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Stop, Collaborate, and Listen: Women's Collaboration in US State Legislatures

Holman

Mahoney

2018

Legislative Studies Qtrly

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“…The institutional rules and political environment likely shape the behavior of members, including congresswomen. Thus, whereas gender stereotypes suggest that women work together communally and engage in “consensus-building” (Alexander and Andersen 1993), research by Bauer, Yong, and Krupnikov (2017) demonstrated that women legislators are not consistently facing a backlash for failing to conform to the gender stereotypes of setting aside differences and compromising. They found that the degree of backlash that legislators receive for failing to compromise is conditional on partisanship (i.e., which can “insulate” legislators from the criticism) and issue topic (i.e., women can face backlash on issues not considered “female-owned”).…”

Section: Members Of Congress Responding To Women’s Issuesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Let’s Talk about Sex: Examining the Factors Influencing Congressional Response to #MeToo on Twitter

Clark

Evans

2019

APSC

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This article examines the factors that influence whether members of Congress tweet about the #MeToo movement. Whereas social-identity theory suggests that congresswomen would be more likely to tweet about #MeToo, congressional research argues that increased polarization has resulted in congresswomen bucking gender stereotypes and embracing more partisan behavior than might otherwise be expected (Pearson and Dancey 2011). We examine how gender, partisanship, and ideology shape the Twitter activity of members of Congress surrounding the #MeToo movement using an original dataset of their tweets since October 2017 when the #MeToo movement gained prominence on Twitter. Our findings show that gender and ideology are the strongest predictors of whether Congress members tweet about the #MeToo movement. Liberals—particularly liberal women—are leading the charge in bringing prominence to the #MeToo movement on Twitter.

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“…at the most basic level, given that sorting out who is definitively to blame for policy inaction is typically impossible for the the effects of Blaming Others for Legislative average citizen, partisans may resolve this ambiguity by falling back on their group biases when responding to blaming rhetoric (doherty and Wolak 2012;taber and Lodge 2006). Copartisans may tend to give a legislator the benefit of the doubt (Bauer, Harbridge-yong, and Krupnikov 2017) and may not penalize him or her for blaming others. they may even evaluate the legislator more favorably because they see the legislator as striving to enact desirable policy in the face of uncooperative opposition.…”

Section: Moderating Effects Of Party Affinitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Importantly, among partisan voters, the individual and collective consequences of blaming others for inaction may depend on whether voters share the partisan affiliation of the legislator. Partisan affinity affects a wide array of political evaluations, including affective orientations toward members of the opposing party (Iyengar, Sood, and Lelkes ) and responses to legislative behavior (Bauer, Harbridge‐Yong, and Krupnikov ; Harbridge, Malhotra, and Harrison ; Park and Smith ), as well as attributions of blame and perceptions of political actors’ intentions (Doherty ; Malhotra and Kuo ; Rudolph ).…”

Section: Individual and Collective Consequences Of Blaming Rhetoricmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Effects of Blaming Others for Legislative Inaction on Individual and Collective Evaluations

Doherty

Harbridge‐Yong²

2019

Legislative Studies Qtrly

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Legislators commonly blame others for gridlock. We posit that legislators may engage in this type of rhetoric to minimize the individual reputational risks associated with legislative inaction or to boost the relative standing of their party. In a series of six survey experiments, we find that blaming others for inaction undermines voters’ evaluations of individual legislators who engage in this rhetorical strategy. This effect is particularly pronounced among out‐partisans and independents. However, blaming rhetoric can also enhance the standing of the blamer’s party relative to the opposing party across all groups (including out‐partisans), in large part by undermining the reputations of these other actors. Ultimately, we show that when an individual legislator engages in blaming rhetoric, the immediate net electoral effects are null. This suggests that coordinated efforts by a party to blame opponents may improve the party’s relative standing, while imposing few costs on those engaged in blaming.

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Who is Punished? Conditions Affecting Voter Evaluations of Legislators Who Do Not Compromise

Cited by 67 publications

References 50 publications

Stop, Collaborate, and Listen: Women's Collaboration in US State Legislatures

Stop, Collaborate, and Listen: Women's Collaboration in US State Legislatures

Let’s Talk about Sex: Examining the Factors Influencing Congressional Response to #MeToo on Twitter

The Effects of Blaming Others for Legislative Inaction on Individual and Collective Evaluations

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