“…Hillygus and Shields () argue that in 2004 the Democratic Party emphasized its support of stem‐cell research as a wedge issue in order to peel away Independents and Republicans who opposed Bush's stance on that issue. One could argue that the Democratic Party used abortion as a wedge issue in 2012; in light of off‐color statements on that topic by Republican candidates (such as former Missouri Congressman Todd Akin's comment about “legitimate rape” rarely leading to pregnancy), Democrats hoped to gain an advantage among Independents and Republicans who may have found those remarks objectionable (see, for example, Wilson & Burack, ). Wedge issues can be moral issues, but they can also be decidedly non‐moral issues, such as the minimum wage, school vouchers, and immigration.…”
The politics of so-called "morality policies" including same-sex marriage, abortion, gambling, and drug control have captured the attention of the public and social scientists in recent years. Drawing on data from journalistic accounts, legislative transcripts, elite interviews, and document analysis, this study examines the extensiveness of morality talk in debates over marijuana decriminalization in the United States. The results indicate that critics deployed moral (decriminalization sends the wrong message to youth, decreases risk perception, and promotes "normalization"), mixed (decriminalization has negative effects for families, communities, and society), and non-moral (decriminalization negatively impacts individuals vis-a`-vis physical, mental, and social health) arguments. The results both improve our understanding of the factors that will shape United States marijuana policy in the future and offer theoretical implications for our understanding of morality policy as a substantive category of public policy.
“…Hillygus and Shields () argue that in 2004 the Democratic Party emphasized its support of stem‐cell research as a wedge issue in order to peel away Independents and Republicans who opposed Bush's stance on that issue. One could argue that the Democratic Party used abortion as a wedge issue in 2012; in light of off‐color statements on that topic by Republican candidates (such as former Missouri Congressman Todd Akin's comment about “legitimate rape” rarely leading to pregnancy), Democrats hoped to gain an advantage among Independents and Republicans who may have found those remarks objectionable (see, for example, Wilson & Burack, ). Wedge issues can be moral issues, but they can also be decidedly non‐moral issues, such as the minimum wage, school vouchers, and immigration.…”
The politics of so-called "morality policies" including same-sex marriage, abortion, gambling, and drug control have captured the attention of the public and social scientists in recent years. Drawing on data from journalistic accounts, legislative transcripts, elite interviews, and document analysis, this study examines the extensiveness of morality talk in debates over marijuana decriminalization in the United States. The results indicate that critics deployed moral (decriminalization sends the wrong message to youth, decreases risk perception, and promotes "normalization"), mixed (decriminalization has negative effects for families, communities, and society), and non-moral (decriminalization negatively impacts individuals vis-a`-vis physical, mental, and social health) arguments. The results both improve our understanding of the factors that will shape United States marijuana policy in the future and offer theoretical implications for our understanding of morality policy as a substantive category of public policy.
“…He writes: 'Traditionalism contrasts a West characterised by modernity, materialism and mere technical skills to a Middle East of tradition, spirituality and wisdom. This understanding of the East is Linkages between the Christian Far Right, anti-gender conservatism as well as anti-queer discourses have been made beforehand, for example by Angelia Wilson (2000Wilson ( , 2013; see also Wilson & Burack, 2012) when looking at the emergence of the US Tea party, and far-right discourses in media and at private Christian universities. In that regard a close ideological link between far right discourse and the establishment of a far right elite was noticed, years ahead of Trump's election.…”
In this issue we are calling for a new interpretive framework that recognises the multiple genealogies that have contributed to binary constructs of the Western/secular versus the authentic/religious; takes into account the different power positionalities of those engaging in global and national struggles temporally and spatially; challenges the static binarism of religious versus secular that obfuscates the plurality of framings and identities around which women and men mobilise for social justice and does not shy away from the question of accountability for equality outcomes. Introduction: Rationale, questions and epistemology Feminist scholarship, has exposed, interrogated and critiqued the dangers of essentialising the nature of complex and nuanced power dynamics. Chandra Mohanty's seminal work (1984) was critical in exposing such forms of essentialisms in Western scholarship's representation of third world women as a monolithic category. Mohanty critiqued the representation of third world women as suffering from powerlessness driven by common underlying causes and showing similar manifestations.
“…Protestant respondents exhibited a complex mix of attitudes towards the USA. On the one hand, they argued that the country had been founded on Christian principles, which had laid the basis for a free, democratic political system ‐ a somewhat uncritical echo of the narrative of the American Christian Right (Wilson and Burack ). However, this freedom could be a double‐edged sword, allowing moral decay: The good things [about America] are also the bad things.…”
Section: Protestant National Narratives: (Ii) the Condition Of The Namentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Protestant respondents exhibited a complex mix of attitudes towards the USA. On the one hand, they argued that the country had been founded on Christian principles, which had laid the basis for a free, democratic political system -a somewhat uncritical echo of the narrative of the American Christian Right (Wilson and Burack 2012). However, this freedom could be a doubleedged sword, allowing moral decay: On the issue of sexuality, therefore, Protestant respondents' enthusiasm for liberal democracy was qualified by their relative social illiberalism; this also demonstrates that they did not fully embrace what they regarded as Western norms.…”
This paper investigates the national narratives of young, urban Protestants in contemporary China. Based on 100 interviews conducted in Beijing and Shenzhen, it argues that in constructing their national narratives, Chinese Protestants display critical selectivity in adopting the values of official party‐state nationalism. They display affection towards China, a sense of responsibility for improving the country and a concern for society's morality, all of which echo official nationalist priorities. However, they are critical of China's political arrangements, dispute the primacy of economic growth and are less hawkish on international and territorial issues. They see no contradiction between their Protestant and Chinese identities, but generally prioritise the former. This selectivity is explained by the fact that Protestantism generally attracts those less satisfied by the social and political status quo, and because of, in Carlson's terms, the ‘boundary‐spanning’ nature of the Protestant identity and morality to which these converts then subscribe.
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