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Abstract

In this issue we are calling for a new interpretive framework that recognises the multiple genealogies that have contributed to binary constructs of the Western/secular versus the authentic/religious; takes into account the different power positionalities of those engaging in global and national struggles temporally and spatially; challenges the static binarism of religious versus secular that obfuscates the plurality of framings and identities around which women and men mobilise for social justice and does not shy away from the question of accountability for equality outcomes. Introduction: Rationale, questions and epistemology Feminist scholarship, has exposed, interrogated and critiqued the dangers of essentialising the nature of complex and nuanced power dynamics. Chandra Mohanty's seminal work (1984) was critical in exposing such forms of essentialisms in Western scholarship's representation of third world women as a monolithic category. Mohanty critiqued the representation of third world women as suffering from powerlessness driven by common underlying causes and showing similar manifestations.

Women’s Leadership and Political Agency in Fragile Polities

“…The percentage of women holding political 2021). The mainstream political parties remain male-dominated spaces, with the existence of religious political parties in Egypt and Pakistan that advocate for a limited leadership role of women (Tadros and Khan 2018). Generally, women are not perceived as viable political leaders or candidates by the parties in these polities (Cheema et al 2019;Oladopo et al 2021).…”

“…The A4EA research also shows that the women protest leaders were careful about forming alliances with donors, international development agencies, and international non-governmental organisations. In Egypt, Nigeria, and Pakistan the rise of nationalist and populist religious forces in politics means that there is a high level of risk that connections with donors can be misconstrued as proof of activists peddling a 'Western or imperialist agenda' (Baksh and Harcourt 2015; Nazneen and Okech 2021;Tadros and Khan 2018). The #BBOG protest leaders avoided receiving any form of foreign funding.…”

“…The effect of these barriers is confirmed in the polities A4EA researched Oladapo et al 2021). But A4EA findings also show that women can and do navigate restrictive social norms and biased formal rules, and organise using gender-specific tactics that reduce the risk of direct targeting by state security agencies and other non-state actors (Atela et al 2021;Khan and Taela 2021;Khan et al 2021;Tadros and Khan 2018). These gender-specific expressions of collective agency influence the development of women's leadership skills and their capacities to exert political power collectively.…”

“…in the way their demands are framed so that they are associated with local traditions and national history. But these steps may not always mitigate the risk of binary frames deployed by oppositional forces (Western/secular versus culturally grounded) and being branded as 'inauthentic or Western'(Tadros and Khan 2018). …”