Wacana Poros Partai Islam untuk PILPRES 2024: Politik Identitas atau Penggalangan Suara Oposisi?

Abstract

<p><em>Amidst increasing polarization of society after the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections, identity politics has been reintroduced by Islamic political parties. PKS and PPP are trying to initiate the Islamic pollitical axis for 2024 elections. The discourse about Islamic political axis springs due to the fact that incumbents cannot re-nominate as president for next election. Secondly, public trust level toward the executive has decreased due to various unpopular policies that brought about increasing critical voices toward the government. From the internal ummah, the presence of Islamic political figures who consitently won various surveys, stimulates the passion of Islamic political parties to form coalitions to win 2024 presidential election. This study uses a qualitative approach with content analysis methods toward various sources of literature; book, ebook, scientific journals, articles on conference proceedings, as well as journalistic works on the Islamic political axis discourse from identity politics theory, and theories of party coalition’s perspective that introduced by Lijphart and Rikers. The phenomenon of the coalition of Islamic political parties – once called the center axis – has succeeded in bringing KH Abdurrahman Wahid as President, defeating the candidate of the party that won the 1999 election. The similarity of identity (ideological) and interests (pragmatic) became the basis of the coalition of Islamic political parties. In addition to these two reasons, the discourse of the Islamic axis coalition in the 2024 election is also motivated by dissatisfaction with the performance and policies of the incumbent government. The regulation of the Presidential Threshold for presidential candidacy as stated by law number 7 year 2017 makes the coalition of Islamic political parties can be function as an alternative house in accomodating opposition voices. However, the elite of Islamic political parties is divided in responding to the discourse of the Islamic political axis. PKS, PPP, PKB. PBB, and Masyumi (Reborn) supports the idea of </em><em></em><em>a coalition based on political calculations and the interests of each political party. On the other hand, PAN and the Gelora Party reject the discourse which is worried to be increasing polarization in Indonesian society. The Ummat Party's skepticism is backed by the view that the existing parliamentary Islamic political parties are not serious to grasp the aspirations of the ummah and have not been able to offer alternative policies for a better Indonesia. </em></p>

Factors Causing the Decline of Islam-Based Political Parties Existence on General Elections 2014

“…This means that what is called an Islamic party includes both those that are based on Islam and those that are not based on Islam but are based on Islamic masses. Apart from according to experts, according to the public, referring to the results of the Indo Barometer national survey in December 2007, it was stated that in the Indonesian political constellation, the most prominent political party polarization is between the Islamic party and the Nationalist party (Hamdanny & Mukhtar, 2021).…”

“…According to some groups, the existence of parties in the name of religion creates polemics in the country, this is because the existence of parties with certain views causes political parties to fall into sectarian politics (Hamdanny & Mukhtar, 2021). The 2014 elections which were participated by 12 national political parties and added by 3 local political parties (specifically for Aceh) showed that the results of the 2014 Legislative Election which had been announced by the KPU placed ten parties that passed the parliamentary threshold, namely the NasDem Party, PKB, PKS, PDIP, Golkar Party, Gerindra Party, Democratic Party, PAN, PPP, and Hanura Party.…”

Strategi Komunikasi Politik Kepala Desa Di Desa Suka Makmur Kabupaten Deli Serdang Tahun 2022-2028

“…Syahriel mengembangkan pendekatan komunikasi politik yang mengutamakan interaksi komunikator politik dengan publik yang lebih luas. Dalam upaya meraih kekuasaan, dilakukan upaya untuk memperkokoh kohesivitas sosial, yang secara tidak langsung juga memperkuat kepercayaan masyarakat (Hamdanny, 2021). Komunikator politik yang efektif adalah orang yang sadar diri, dapat dipercaya, menarik, dan kuat (Gandasari, 2021).…”

Presidential Threshold: Harapan dan Tantangan Bacalon Presiden 2024

“…Akibatnya adalah distrust oleh publik terhadap pemerintah termasuk ke Presiden cenderung stagnan bahkan menurun (Cornelia Evelin Cabui, 2022;Powell, 2021). Kondisi ini benar-benar memposisikan pemerintahan pada pilihan kelihatan sulit, di suatu sisi, berpikir terhadap pemulihan ekonomi pasca Pandemi Covid-19, tetapi di sisi lain beban utang negara terhadap negara lain juga mengalami peningkatan, resesi ekonomi dan keuangan yang di alami oleh negara kemungkinan menjadi alasan fundamental sehingga kebijakan demi kebijakan lahir dan diterapkan tanpa memperhatikan asas proporsionalitas sehingga kerap muncul kritik dan kontraproduktif dari sejumlah kalangan dan publik pada umumnya (Hamdanny & Mukhtar, 2021).…”

“…Bongkar pasang pejabat negara dari level kementerian hinggal level pemerintah daerah, pun dinilai menjadi salah satu anomali dalam mengadirkan transformasi pemerintahan yang lebih berpihak teradap kepentingan publik. Anomali tersebut adalah bagian atas dampak kebijakan presidential threshold (Ansori, 2019;Hamdanny & Mukhtar, 2021;Listyaningsih et al, 2020;Muhammad Saad, 2021;Mukhtarrija et al, 2017). Sejumlah referensi dengan cukup hati-hati menyuguhkan penjelasan terkait threshold, karena memang memiliki varian beragam antara lain adalah electoral threshold, parlimentary threshold dan presidential threshold.…”