Violence Exposure and Support for State Use of Force in a Non-Democracy

Hou, Yue; Quek, Kai

doi:10.1017/xps.2018.26

Cited by 17 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…Political consequences of violence A vast literature has examined the effects of wartime violence on attitudes and behavior (Balcells 2012;Beber, Roessler and Scacco 2014;Bellows and Miguel 2009;Blattman 2009;Fearon, Humphreys and Weinstein 2009;Gilligan, Pasquale and Samii 2014;Grossman, Manekin and Miodownik 2015;Hou and Quek 2019). While many of these studies' findings are contradictory, there is an emerging consensus that violence can enhance solidarity within the victims' communities and increase hostility toward the out-group, especially the perpetrator(s).…”

Section: Historical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Political Legacy of Violence During China's Cultural Revolution

Wang

2019

Brit. J. Polit. Sci.

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Autocrats use repression to deter opposition. Are they successful in the long run? The author argues that state repression can have long-lasting alienating effects on citizens’ political attitudes and coercive effects on their political behavior. The article evaluates this proposition by studying the long-term effects of state terror during China's Cultural Revolution. It shows that individuals who grew up in localities that were exposed to more state-sponsored violence in the late 1960s are less trusting of national political leaders and more critical of the country's political system today. These anti-regime attitudes are more likely to be passed down to the younger generation if family members discuss politics frequently than if they do not. Yet while state repression has created anti-regime attitudes, it has decreased citizens’ contentious behavior. These findings highlight the dilemma that authoritarian rulers face when they seek to consolidate their rule through repression.

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Section: Historical Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Political Legacy of Violence During China's Cultural Revolution

Wang

2019

Brit. J. Polit. Sci.

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“…Figure A.3 shows that the average per capita security spending in Xinjiang has been greater than the national average or the average of other ethnic minority regions. Chinese citizens also show strong support for forceful government measures against ethnic violence in China (Hou and Quek, 2019). Our additional analysis of public security spending provides evidence to support this interpretation.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 53%

Conditional cross-border effects of terrorism in China

Hong

Yang

2021

Conflict Management and Peace Science

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This paper explores whether the cross-border effect of ethnic violence is contingent on internal factors, such as domestic security measures, distribution of religious sites, availability of communication tools, and proximity to turbulent neighboring countries. Using county-level data from Xinjiang (1995–2012), our analyses show no support for direct violence-enhancing effects of outside terrorism in Xinjiang. When terrorist attacks increase globally or in neighboring countries, overall violence in Xinjiang diminishes. We attribute this to increased security measures by the government. However, the reduction in violence is highly conditional on local factors. We find that historical religiosity and geographic proximity to the border reduce the subsident effects of external terrorism.

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“…In addition, exposure to civil war violence has been shown to weaken political trust in the government (De Juan and Pierskalla, 2016) while also contributing to greater political participation, social cohesion, and local collective action (particularly toward one's in-group) (Blattman 2009;Bauer et al, 2016;De Luca and Verpoorten, 2015;Gilligan et al, 2014). Going a step further, recent work finds evidence that violence increases support for a stronger state (Hou and Quek, 2019;Blair, 2019). Rulers may therefore seek to improve local policing capacity to monitor distrustful areas that have a resilient capacity for collective action.…”

Section: Resource Allocation For Policing In Post-conflict Settingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Policing in a Post-Conflict State: Evidence from Uganda

Dow

2022

Comparative Political Studies

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How do governments in post-conflict settings provide for policing within their countries? I argue that leaders respond to both electoral concerns and security threats in shaping the geographic provision of policing infrastructure. Focusing on Uganda, I contend that the territorial expansion of policing has followed a distinct political logic. First, I use panel data on police infrastructure to demonstrate increased construction in counties with previously lower electoral support for the incumbent regime. Additionally, I find that counties with violence are more likely to experience increases in construction, but especially in areas where the incumbent has more support. Finally, I show that (1) proximity to police infrastructure is associated with worse individual perceptions of the police and (2) that increased construction of police infrastructure has large significant effects on reducing voter turnout while increasing vote share for the incumbent president. These findings have important implications for post-conflict reconstruction, stability, and violence.

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Violence Exposure and Support for State Use of Force in a Non-Democracy

Cited by 17 publications

References 33 publications

The Political Legacy of Violence During China's Cultural Revolution

The Political Legacy of Violence During China's Cultural Revolution

Conditional cross-border effects of terrorism in China

Policing in a Post-Conflict State: Evidence from Uganda

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