“…Electorally the largest Islamist party, Jamat I Islami, has secured between four to eight percent of votes in national elections since 1991, and has been in the coalition government through tacit or overt alliances with the AL or the BNP since 1991 (Siddiqui, 2006;Hassan and Nazneen, 2017). This significantly raised the Islamic bloc's power (Siddiqui, 2006;).…”
In this issue we are calling for a new interpretive framework that recognises the multiple genealogies that have contributed to binary constructs of the Western/secular versus the authentic/religious; takes into account the different power positionalities of those engaging in global and national struggles temporally and spatially; challenges the static binarism of religious versus secular that obfuscates the plurality of framings and identities around which women and men mobilise for social justice and does not shy away from the question of accountability for equality outcomes. Introduction: Rationale, questions and epistemology Feminist scholarship, has exposed, interrogated and critiqued the dangers of essentialising the nature of complex and nuanced power dynamics. Chandra Mohanty's seminal work (1984) was critical in exposing such forms of essentialisms in Western scholarship's representation of third world women as a monolithic category. Mohanty critiqued the representation of third world women as suffering from powerlessness driven by common underlying causes and showing similar manifestations.
“…Electorally the largest Islamist party, Jamat I Islami, has secured between four to eight percent of votes in national elections since 1991, and has been in the coalition government through tacit or overt alliances with the AL or the BNP since 1991 (Siddiqui, 2006;Hassan and Nazneen, 2017). This significantly raised the Islamic bloc's power (Siddiqui, 2006;).…”
In this issue we are calling for a new interpretive framework that recognises the multiple genealogies that have contributed to binary constructs of the Western/secular versus the authentic/religious; takes into account the different power positionalities of those engaging in global and national struggles temporally and spatially; challenges the static binarism of religious versus secular that obfuscates the plurality of framings and identities around which women and men mobilise for social justice and does not shy away from the question of accountability for equality outcomes. Introduction: Rationale, questions and epistemology Feminist scholarship, has exposed, interrogated and critiqued the dangers of essentialising the nature of complex and nuanced power dynamics. Chandra Mohanty's seminal work (1984) was critical in exposing such forms of essentialisms in Western scholarship's representation of third world women as a monolithic category. Mohanty critiqued the representation of third world women as suffering from powerlessness driven by common underlying causes and showing similar manifestations.
“…In 2014, the present government "won" an uncontested election, which was boycotted by the opposition, who deemed it illegitimate. It went on to politicise the administration and restrict or co-opt civil society actors using a mixture of law, criminalisation, administrative measures, and stigmatisation, as well as outright intimidation and violence (Hassan and Nazneen 2017;Human Rights Watch 2017). The 2018 election is widely understood to have been thoroughly rigged to secure the position of the incumbent party.…”
Section: The Problem Of Early Marriage: Sdgs 3 Andmentioning
This chapter describes Bangladesh’s successes with advancing gender equality in the period of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), locating their origins in elite commitment to including women in the development process, and in the partnerships and aid that built the state and NGO capacity to reach them. The chapter reflects on the lessons of Bangladesh’s innovative and unexpected advances in the light of the new challenges posed by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), notably those of early marriage and the achievement of decent work. The chapter asks whether contemporary conditions suggest that the elite commitment and state capacity that drove progress on the MDGs are up to meeting the more contentious and complex goals of the SDGs.
“…Both, AL and BNP, have developed a dynastic ‘cult of personality’ of the parties’ founding fathers (Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman respectively) and their families to enhance party unity and political-ideological hegemony (cf. Hassan and Nazneen 2017; Ruud and Islam 2016). Following factional struggles within the AL in the 1980s, Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, has emerged as the unchallenged leader of the AL party.…”
Section: On the State Of ‘The State’ After 50 Yearsmentioning
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